An Overview of Women in State Legislatures

The average amount of women elected to state legislatures in the United States has risen to 22.8 percent for the year 2006, more than five times the amount of women serving in 1970 (4 percent). Women currently hold 409 (20.8 percent) of the 1,984 state senate seats and 1,277, (23.6 percent) of the 5,411 state house seats (Center for American Women and Politics). Who are these women? What are they like? When and why did this happen? And perhaps most importantly, how does the number of women in a state legislature impact public policy and the legislation produced by a state?

Over the last three decades, the women's movement has argued for the election of greater numbers of women to public office. Their arguments stemmed from a belief that government does not sufficiently represent women's concerns (Carroll 3). Feminists believe that women are more responsive to their concerns and that they will work to ensure that public policy reflects those concerns. The election of more women, they believed, will lead to legislators "acting for" women in the political process (Carroll 3). For these purposes, it is assumed that a legislator is acting for women when "their life experiences and perspectives affect the types of policy initiatives women public officials put forth or the factors they consider when making decisions about the policy initiatives of others" (Carroll 4).

It is interesting to note that "acting for" women will not always result in the advancement of feminist goals. For example, a woman could bring her experience as a mother to bear on the issue of abortion rights for minors. It is my belief that while the feminist movement played a role in increasing the numbers of women legislators, it does not result in an automatic increase of legislation in support of feminist goals. It is not a guarantee these women officeholders will always be in support of feminism.

Who are these women who run for public office? In the 1970s, most women who came to office were not career politicians like their male counterparts. They came into politics later in life because of concerns about their child's education or because of issues within their communities. They tended to have less education and come from jobs not as "good" as male officeholders. They were less politically ambitious and devoted their time to education, health and welfare policies (issues of importance to women, families and children), while men concentrated on taxes and budgets (Buntin, Greenblatt and Smith 197). Over time, this tendency has changed, and women now enter politics at ages "comparable to men." Their average socioeconomic status has improved and they hold more positions of leadership within a legislature (Buntin, Greenblatt and Smith 197).

While these characteristics summarize the kind of women who have been elected to state legislatures over time, they do not fully describe the kind of women legislators who act for women. Characteristics such as party affiliation, identification with feminism and more also contribute to the probability that women officeholders will act for women and support policy initiatives in favor of women's rights and interests.

Democratic women are more likely than Republican women to "support liberal and feminist positions on public policy issues" (Carroll 11). Also, women who identify themselves as liberals and feminists are more likely to act for women in the political arena. And, research suggests African American women may be more likely than white women to work on legislation in favor of women (Carroll 11). This should not be surprising to a political watcher with even a novice eye. Democrats (liberals) often concentrate more on social programs than on such issues as taxes and budgets. It is only natural that women's issues (reproductive rights, family leave and child support laws) would fall into that category. Although, women who identify themselves as Republicans, conservatives, non-feminists and white are still more likely to work on women's rights legislation than males who share those same characteristics (Carroll 18).

Other institutional and external political factors play a role as to whether women legislators will work for women while in office. Women are more likely to do so when they meet through a formal legislative caucus rather than in an informal discussion group. If their district as a whole identifies itself as liberal, women are more likely to work for women's legislation (Carroll 15). If a legislator is a member of a woman's organization outside the political arena, she is also more likely to do so.

Now that we know when and why these particular women have come into politics, it is now necessary to determine what effects, if any, they have on the legislation produced in their state. However, not all the benefits of increased numbers of women legislators can be quantified.

In 1988 the Center for American Women and Politics conducted a nationwide survey of men and women serving as state legislators. The survey sought to determine legislators' perceptions regarding the various impacts of women legislators. Both male and female legislators believe that the increased presence of women in public office has resulted in a greater tendency to consider how legislation will affect women as a group, as well as a greater number of bills passed that deal specifically with women's problems (Carroll 7). Further, the majority of male and female legislators believe that greater numbers of female officeholders have resulted to greater accessibility to the legislature by the economically disadvantaged, and they believe that the presence of women in the legislature has created a difference in budget priorities for the state (Carroll 7).

What I found most interesting is that 57.4 percent of women legislators and 27.8 percent of male legislators who took part in the survey had the perception that the increased number of women in office led to politics being conducted more often in public view, rather than "behind closed doors" (Carroll 8). This is an idea that cannot be quantified. I wonder if women in politics are indeed more likely than men to conduct their business publicly, rather than in secret. My assumption is that business conducted in secret is done so because it probably does not serve legislators' constituents, or it may be of questionable legality. Are women legislators more moral than their male counterparts in this regard? Another question for another time, I suppose.

Women are significantly more likely to introduce legislation than males, and are also more likely to be successful in getting their priority bills through the legislative process, thereby suggesting a greater amount of productivity from women legislators (Buntin, Greenblatt and Smith 197). However, it is disappointing to note that even though women will bring up issues not raised by male legislators, the effect women have on public policy is limited because they still remain a minority to this day. For example, a woman may favor reproductive rights, but whether a state provides funding for abortion programs and clinics will depend more on the state's overall political culture than whether the legislation employs many women (Buntin, Greenblatt and Smith 197).

Is all hope lost? If more women in office do not result in actual legislation in favor of women's rights, then I have to ask, what is the point? The perception that women have made a difference, as evidenced by the survey results from the Center for American Women and Politics, fails to prove to me that more women legislatures have resulted in any real advances in women's issues and rights.

A 2002 analysis of the status of women in the states by the Institute for Women's Policy Research suggest that states with higher percentages of women legislators, coupled with the state's dominant political culture being individualistic or moralistic (rather than traditionalistic) have a greater status of women (Buntin, Greenblatt and Smith 9). Political culture includes perceptions about politics, who is involved in politics as well as who handles the administration of government, and how government responds to the people. States with a moralistic political culture should have a greater amount of participation in government by the citizens for the common good. Individualistic political cultures also have citizens participating in government, if not for their own economic advantages. However, traditionalistic political cultures discourage citizen participation in government, because it should be left to the existing ruling elite (Class discussion). States such as these would suggest fewer opportunities for female constituents, whereas moralistic or individualistic states may offer increased opportunities for women, such as greater economic autonomy and reproductive rights (Buntin, Greenblatt and Smith 9). The proportion of women legislators also played a role in IWPR's ranking; the "top five" states for women had legislatures consisting of (on average) 30 percent women. For Missouri, with its individualistic political culture and with a 2006 average of 21.3 percent women in the state legislature (Center for American Women and Politics), it can be assumed that it enjoys a higher status of women than that of Arkansas, with 17 percent of its legislature being female coupled with its traditionalistic political culture (Buntin, Greenblatt and Smith 9).

It can be said that women are more active than men in areas concerning women, children and families, such as reproductive rights, violence against women, and family leave benefits. Whether this "action" can be quantified by actual legislation or whether it can only be inferred that women legislators introduce these ideas to the state is irrelevant. States with higher numbers of women legislators enjoy a higher status of women living within that state. But why the increase in the willingness of women to raise women's issues?

Because more women now work outside the home, and problems raised by this dual-role (of women acting as homemakers as well as professionals, or, at least, as employees outside the home) affect most families. It can be said that it is natural for women to "try and ease that burden with supportive legislation" (Carroll 166). These increased numbers of women within a legislature encourage women to make their issues more public, because it is assumed they will enjoy a larger supportive network when advocating for this issues. Small numbers imply that women would feel outnumbered (and more like the minority they are) and therefore, less likely to pursue those issues and concerns (Carroll 166).

However, as a minority becomes larger, we can infer that it will become more active. I can only hope that as the number of women elected to public office, whether in a state legislature or elsewhere, increases, it will result in more introduction of women's rights and issues and further increase the status of women in the states and in this country. Inequalities still persist, as evidenced by the earnings gap between the sexes. Because more female officeholders will enjoy a larger amount of supporters than their male counterparts (don't women outnumber men 2:1 in the world?), there is no reason that women should feel outnumbered. Because of the higher likelihood of women to organize their priorities and have success in getting their legislation passed (Carroll 169), the benefits of women in politics are just beginning.

Though I identify myself as a liberal Democrat, I would still elect a female conservative Republic to the office of United States President any day. In my opinion, this phenomenon is still overdue.

Works Cited
Buntin, John; Greenblatt, Alan; and Smith, Kevin. Governing states and localities.
Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 2005.
Carroll, Susan. The impact of women in public office. Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 2001.
Center for American Women and Politics. Eagleton Institute of Politics: Rutgers, the
State University of New Jersey. Copyright 2005. (Accessed February 21, 2006)
http://www.rci.rutgers.edu/~cawp/index.html
Class Discussion. PO201: State and Local Government. Parkville: Park University,
spring semester, 2006.