Andean Empires: Tiwanaku and Wari

The exact definition of an empire has long been debated. One can decide that the word "empire" applies to a culture that meets a number of specific criteria, or whose development has progressed to a certain level as compared with other cultures around the world. In spite of this, I feel that forcing an existing culture into a globally defined category or comparing it to a precise set of rules to see whether it lives up to the esteemed title of "empire" is incredibly restrictive and leads to a very biased perception of the culture. Because every advanced state has developed from different beginnings, in different environments and in response to different regional dynamics, one needs to define "empire" on a more local, fluid scale. So, for the purpose of this discussion, I feel that it is acceptable to loosely define an empire, in the context of Andean cultures, as a state that expands to include a number of ethnic and/or linguistic groups, spreading a homogenous religion or set of cultural beliefs as well as technology and state craft production and the iconography that go along with them. Using this definition, one could make an argument that several early societies in the Andes could qualify as empires. However, due to the extent of their expansion, I will limit this argument to the Tiwanaku and Wari cultures. When compared to this definition and to each other, I feel that these two contemporary groups can indeed be considered empires.

In the Tiwanaku sphere of influence, we see quite a bit of archeological evidence for the spread of the state culture and incorporation of a number of different local groups. According to Alan Kolata in The Tiwanaku: Portrait of an Andean Civilization, "Tiwanaku was a predatory, expansive state society" (40). While we see little direct evidence for violence, trophy head imagery on ceramics found at the site of Tiwanaku indicates that violence and warfare were an accepted part of the culture (Kolata 124), and headless mummy bundles buried within the city give physical evidence for the practice of taking trophy heads (Kolata 127). Because there is little evidence of violence in those areas that Tiwanaku dominated, it is quite possible that brutal sacrifices, such as those found interred on the Akapana pyramid, were a show of force in order to bring conquered groups into submission (Kolata 122). Kolata also suggests that it was in the Tiwanaku elites' best interest to find a "balance between force and persuasion" in their gradual control over the surrounding areas (231). A number of different persuasive techniques were probably used, but the acceptance of local beliefs into the state religion and the abduction of foreign huacas to be displayed in the capital city left conquered areas little choice but to submit to the rule of Tiwanaku (Kolata 142).

The expansion of Tiwanaku is shown in a number of ways at dominated sites. It seems that policy for the Tiwanaku elite was the "exportation of state cults", and indeed we see the spread of imagery such as the Gateway God throughout the entire region (Kolata 248). In some distant sites, such as in the Moquegua Valley, ceramics are found to be direct imports from the heartland of Tiwanaku (Kolata 263). State craft production is evidenced by production line textiles with state iconography and individual artistry, and also by such areas as the massive ceramics workshop found in the capital of Tiwanaku (Kolata 170). We also see a blending of local and state cultures at a number of different sites, such as at San Pedro de Atacama as discussed in lecture. After a while, local styles start to emulate state styles (Kolata 248). Other evidence we see for the expansion of Tiwanaku and the control of local populations is in the raised agricultural field technology found throughout the region controlled by the state. Labor- intensive projects such as this would have required the planning and organization of a higher authority (Kolata 182). These massive construction projects were most likely mobilized by a similar principle to the mit'a form of reciprocity found in the Andes during Inca rule and today (Kolata 223). The increased production probably went to support the elites in the cities as a form of tribute.

While Wari was a larger state than Tiwanaku, there is less known about the society overall, partially because it has only recently been recognized as a separate entity from Tiwanaku (Silverman 155). However, as discussed with Professor Kelly Knudson, there are a number of sites that show the Wari were expanding and implementing various controls in the region surrounding the capital. Several sites with similar architecture to the Wari center have been found and interpreted as having been built specifically for the purpose of administration tasks for the immediate areas. Conchopata is a very large site, and is considered to be secondary to Wari itself. Jincamocco is an administration site situated halfway between the coast and the highland capital, which was possibly built in order to ensure that sites further from the center were adequately managed. In addition to the standardized administration sites, there are also sites such as Beringa that does not have Wari-like architecture. Wari textiles found at the site show the residents participated in the Wari state culture, but significant trauma in skeletal remains shows possible warfare with the heartland in order to bring the area under control. There are also a number of sites, such as Cerro Baul in the Moquegua Valley, that are located in very close proximity to Tiwanaku sites (Knudson 2008). The Moquegua Valley is the perfect environment for growing maize, which had become a very important commodity in the highlands (Silverman 165). Tiwanaku presence in the valley did not stop the Wari from claiming land there. In fact, Cerro Baul was built on a mesa, ensuring that it was visible throughout the valley. This could have been a show of power to the Tiwanaku, or a way to keep the competing group from taking over valuable agricultural lands.

Wari iconography is very similar to that of Tiwanaku, though the textile style is very distinct. More Wari textiles have been found than Tiwanaku, largely due to the arid climate of the coastal areas within the Wari sphere of influence. State iconography and religion were adopted into the everyday lives of conquered people through their textiles, even at sites such as Beringa that were brought under Wari control.

If one agrees that the definition for empire at the beginning of this essay is an acceptable one as it applies to Andean states, it should not be too difficult to come to the conclusion that Tiwanaku can indeed be considered an empire. There is excellent evidence for the incorporation of existing groups into the Tiwanaku state, as well as the adoption of state iconography and technology. However, the evidence available for Wari is a bit less convincing. There is evidence of the Wari imposing state infrastructure on existing populations and a spread of state iconography, but little more to show the nature of the relationship between the capital and the hinterland sites. One might question whether the spread of Wari iconography had less to do with an expansive state than a generally adopted religion, or if the areas interpreted as administration sites might have simply been groups from the capital relocating to areas that were suitable for different forms of agriculture. However, it is my opinion that, due to the number of areas that share both Tiwanaku and Wari sites in close proximity and the seeming lack of blending of the two cultures, Wari would have had to have been a state with at least as much power as Tiwanaku in order to remain a separate and independent state. I feel that with additional archeological research in this area, ample evidence will be found to support the opinion that Wari was indeed an empire as much as Tiwanaku was.

Works Cited

Kolata, Alan L. The Tiwanaku: Portrait of an Andean Civilization. Blackwell Publishing, Cambridge, MA: 1993.

Silverman, Helaine, ed. Andean Archeology. Blackwell Publishing, Cambridge, MA: 2004.