As far as the differences between the noted ideologies, one can look at the core developments within each as an understanding of their inherent differences. "Stalinism" as defined by those in a positive (non-pejorative) sense, is simply Marxism-Leninism with variations brought forth by Stalin and members of the ideological proponents of such which include principles of socialism in one country, aggravation of class antagonisms under socialism, focus on social and political cohesion, and heavy industry over consumer goods as a necessity for the development and success of socialism. Obviously this is a generalization but it should suffice for our present question.
Maoism is a peculiarity in that it relies on specific conditions in order to provide itself as a viable theory of proletarian/peasant liberation. It's exclusive in that it cannot be applied to First-world capitalist nations by virtue of its reliance on the material historical concepts of a society enveloped by colonialism and the corresponding realities that stem from such historical developments. Similar components exist in Juche, which in fact has been designed for the Korean peoples as a hybrid of Korean idealism and historical materialism.
Hoxhaism typically rests as a redefinition of the broader concept of anti-revisionist philosophy. From what I've gathered, and I wish for any comrade who can correct or supplement anything I have to say on the subject, but it seems to be "Stalinism" (aka Marxism-Leninism) existing as a means of opposing revisionist tendencies in the communist movement. This is an inadequate description due to my lack of experience with many self-described Hoxhaists. However, the historical path marked by Enver Hoxha in opposition to the revisionism of the USSR (post-Stalin) and the People's Republic of China (post-Mao) mark a separate development that sought to avoid the pitfalls of conciliatory realpolitik with the West. Although it may seem easy to criticize Albania's relative isolation from its socialist counterparts - its failure to endure was not the relative failure of the system; but rather, a regrettable side-effect from the overall abandonment of socialism from by its former allies. Socialism, no matter how strongly one nation attempts to hold onto it, cannot endure the strain of economic, political, and potential military pressure as a political island in a sea of revisionism and hostility.
Conclusively the aforementioned theories of Marxism are dependent upon a number of variables that put them under the pretexts of anti-revisionist thought and dependent upon the historical/material developments for which they may be applied. Ideologically they represent an opposition to revisionist doctrines in the West and former Soviet republics and Warsaw Pact nations. More can be said about revisionism in general though, and how it stands in contrast to revisionism in general.
Revisionism: The unifying factor that exists as opposition to not only revisionists akin to the Khrushchev line, but also infantile Left Communism and Trotskyism. Trotskyism posits itself (whether it admits it or not) as essentially a disorder of First-World chauvinism, and fails to take in certain historical aspects in which it tries to wrap up (so neatly) concepts of "permanent revolution..." --although this syndrome isn't necessarily applicable to all Trotskyites themselves, the ideological trend that is Trotskyism is a danger and should be crushed whenever possible. The failures of the Trotskyites in the past shouldn't be forgotten and indeed represent reasons for why no such unity or coalition amongst anti-revisionists and Trotskyites/Left Communists could ever exist. The opportunism demonstrated through Trotskyism's past mark it a clear danger to revolutionary socialism. Trotsky and his oppositional allies can best be understood as political enemies of the USSR, whose interests wrested more in political empowerment of their own camp rather than working cooperatively with the Communist Party (SU). The very notion of 'Permanent Revolution' as put forth by Trotsky would have been disastrous - and nobody knew this better than the Bolshevik party delegates who ousted him and threw their lot with Stalin.
Revisionism does not necessarily lend itself simply to the specific lines of the Khruschev doctrine nor Trotskyism. Revisionism also takes place when liberalism has rotted away the revolutionary consciousness of the proletariat. When communists begin drifting their focus away from class-struggle, they are essentially committing a revisionist act. The focus on individual civil liberties as an indicator of progress is nothing more than deviating from the true aspect of bourgeois society that must remain the number one concern for communism: class-antagonisms and the wage-labor system. This is why the revolutionary potential of the so-called Western communists is nothing more than a façade. Liberalism is the ideology of bourgeois society - and it follows that its rhetoric, ideals, and objectives cannot be reconciled with the revolutionary proletariat. Thus, this is yet another means for which revisionist tendencies may take place - and further places anti-revisionism in opposition to liberalism.
Thus anti-revisionism is the opposition within the Marxist-Leninist framework to weed out those trends that prove most fatal to the establishment of revolutionary proletarian socialism. This trend has developed internationally, especially amongst the ranks of the International Communist Seminar. Some of the most prominent international communists on the stage today are of the anti-revisionist persuasion, including Ludo Martens - author of many pieces investigating the truth behind Stalin's legacy and Chairman of the Workers' Party of Belgium; and Harpal Brar - noted author, labor activist, and leader of the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist). Trotskyism has maintained relative success in the New Left, especially amongst academia, for whom Trotskyism gains much of its support. However, the blend of Trotskyism with utopian idealism and bourgeois liberalism has (at best) made it moot in the struggle for revolutionary socialism and (at worst) at odds with its establishment.
Published by B.R.
Too much metaphysics will make one melancholy. View profile
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