Feminist Critiques of Mainstream Political Science
Feminism, by its very nature, takes on political nuances; much like racial minority groups have embraced political activism over the years to advance their various causes, so too have gender-based minorities. In fact, most sources agree that the conversion of a female person into a feminist is largely due to strong political beliefs backed up by specific actions to bring attention and recognition to the cause of women's rights (Zivi, 2004). This being the case, the question is asked as to exactly how feminists feel about mainstream political science.
Feminist critiques of mainstream political science, as research indicates, begin at the very core of political science itself, as based on the traditional view. Traditionally, the conventional wisdom behind political science held that politics was a man's area of endeavor because of the often brutal nature of political pursuits, and minority groups such as women, ethnic and racial groups were simply dismissed from the inner workings of political science because of their detachment from the mainstream (Phillips, 1998). Considering this, the absurdity of that argument is clear. Feminists have long made a valid argument that political science has excluded them by categorizing women and politics within political science rather than women in politics, or more precisely, the question as to why women are so often kept out of the political arena.
The feminist critique of political science as exclusionary and prejudiced is not merely based on their own perceptions; one of the earliest political thinkers, Aristotle, put forth the theory, thousands of years ago, that true democracy could not exist without the voices of all people being heard, rather than just the voice of the dominators of the system, much like males have dominated females historically (Phillips, 1998).
After viewing the critiques of mainstream political science by feminists against the backdrop of contemporary and ancient perspective, there are several key points, correctly pointed out by the feminists, which become abundantly clear: first, in a general sense, politics is not a pure science by any stretch of the imagination because of the fact that from its beginnings, it has not been open minded and tolerant of the participation and commentary of all groups, especially women. Additionally, women have been stereotyped as being too fragile, weak, uninformed or what have you to participate in the political system. Using such a broad and sweeping generalization about an entire group of people without applying the scientific method and reaching provable hypotheses completely negates political science as any sort of a valid science in and of itself. Therefore, when feminists criticize the classic view of political science from these viewpoints, their critique makes logical sense and is able to be proven, unlike many of theories of political science overall.
Feminist Contributions to the Study of Political Participation
Moving beyond the valid critiques that feminists have made against conventional political science, the contributions that feminists have made to the study of political participation are noteworthy. Reflecting back to the "conversion" from a woman to a feminist that was cited earlier in this paper, by their very nature, feminists are political beings for a variety of reasons. Again, it bears repeating that one of the most effective catalysts for social change is political participation, and it is that political participation that has given the feminist movement a certain degree of muscle over the decades (Randall, 2002). This being said, the question arises as to exactly where feminists stand politically and how they participate politically.
At the risk of making a sweeping generalization about the political inclinations of feminists, it is generally accepted that prior to the proliferation of the feminist movement that most women were considered to be politically conservative because of their close ties to family, religion and traditional values; however, this determination of conservatism was based on a group of women who were generally kept away from the political process, information about political belief systems, and exactly what different political groups believe in and represent. Once women were exposed to feminism, and along with it the freedom to express themselves politically in the ways that they choose based upon informed decisions, by and large, feminists embraced a more liberal political mindset (Inglehart, et al, 2000). This is not to say that they abandoned their family and religious values, but perhaps it is more correct to say that in more left wing thinking, feminists were able to enjoy a greater degree of political freedom, recognition and an avoidance of the oppression that they suffered for so many years under a more conservative viewpoint and philosophy. Once feminists were on the path of free political expression, their activism made contributions to the study of political participation in several key areas.
On a strategic level, the advancement of women into the halls of higher learning institutions contributed to political studies from both sides of the classroom in a sense. Female students, now empowered by a clearer sense of political identity and their role in the feminist movement, began to challenge the course content which usually portrayed men as superior in intelligence, nerve, and political ability, thereby making them politically superior to women. Female students also fought for the right to have access to the same educational institutions and resources as their male counterparts (Ali, 2000). Eventually, having earned degrees of higher learning as well as political power, feminists rose to the role of instructor in many educational settings, giving them a pulpit from which to share the practical realities and advantages of feminist thought and practice.
Lastly, the impact that feminist political action has had on the study of political participation is quite significant as well; when feminists became extremely politically active, the sheer volume of activity that they were creating became too hard for even their most biased critics to ignore. As feminist movements gained national and international media coverage, and their influence was felt in mainstream society, they captured the curiosity of the academic minds of the world, whether by choice or necessity. Whether the mainstream liked it or not, feminism was a force with which to be reckoned and was going to be around in one form or another for the foreseeable future. Because of this, the scope of the study of political participation completely changed, as feminist doctrine claimed its rightful place on the platform of modern political thought and study.
The contributions of so-called "civilian feminists" also shaped political study. Feminists who may not have been protesting and marching on Washington D.C., but were setting a strong example as solid citizens with a civic mindset, also played an important part in what the political system was becoming.
Conclusion
Over the past four decades or so, feminism has grown from a theory to a political movement that has liberated the oppressed, fostered independent political thought, changed the face of political science, and fostered an entirely new way of evaluating politics. Beyond these impressive achievements, the future of feminism promises to be even more dynamic and effective, as people continue to seek the natural state of freedom and speak out against oppression in all forms.
References
Ali, S., Coate, K., & Goro, W. W. (Eds.). (2000). Global Feminist Politics: Identities in a Changing World. London: Routledge.
Inglehart, R., & Norris, P. (2000). The Developmental Theory of the Gender Gap:Women's and Men's Voting Behavior in Global Perspective. International Political Science Review, 21(4), 441-463.
Phillips, A. (Ed.). (1998). Feminism and Politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Randall, V. (2002). Feminism. In Marsh & Stoker (Eds.), Theory and Methods in Political Science (2nd ed., pp. 109-130). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Zivi, K. (2004). Who or What Are We? the Identity Crisis in Feminist Politics. Polity, 36(2), 323+.
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