Fidel Castro's Necessary Revolution

The Cuban revolution has been criticized and denounced in popular North American media for its lack of economic prosperity and what many consider to be impoverished living conditions. Tourists who visit Cuba and vacation in the luxurious, North American built and run resorts claim that they feel sympathy for the resort employees, and therefore, try to show them that prosperity is possible only if they immigrate to North America, and leave the unscrupulous tyrannical country that Fidel Castro has established and seized. Fidel Castro has been demonized as a dictator for as long as the Cuban revolution commenced and was established. If one wishes to demonize the Cuban revolution and its infamous leader, it is crucial to understand the reasons for the revolution and Castro's rebellion or revolution against empirical forces. If one can understand the oppressive conditions and tyrannical regime that Castro and other Cubans lived in, then one will soon realize how necessary it was for educated intellectuals like Castro to develop an army of Cuban people. This was necessary for revolution and change to lift the oppressive conditions that the majority of the population, especially women and African Cubans were forced to live under before the revolution took place.

Cuban women for example, worked long hours in oppressive industries that were established by the undemocratic dictatorship of Folgencio Batista. He forced Cuban citizens, especially women, to work long hours in the industries that were encouraged and run by the American sugar or citrus companies. These employees worked for the benefit of the Cuban elite and the United States (Cuban Women, Before and after the Revolution, Nazia Shaikh 2000). Continuing further into the article written by Nazia Shaikh on May 19 2000, one can see the additional oppressive conditions that women endured in their low percentage of employment attainment. Only 9.8% of women were employed, of which 70% were domestic servants for wealthy Cubans; living in the home of their employer so their labour and services could be used at all times, day or night. Opportunities that did not involve domestic labour were scarce or non-existent and prostitution for young women who needed to earn an income was an alternative to domestic labour or oppressive manual labour, according to Nazia Shaik. Women who worked as prostitutes often served the licentious needs of foreign tourists, diplomats and wealthy Cuban men with no hope for obtaining higher education or meaningful employment (Nazia Shaikh Cuban Women: before and after The Revolution 2000). Additional areas of Cuban life for women were also oppressive; Cuban women were forbidden from seeking abortions or contraceptives because of the traditional patriarchal construction that was not eliminated, but emphasized under the pre-revolutionary and oppressive dictatorships, according to Nazia Shaikh, auther of Cuban Women: before and after the Revolution. The patriarchal construction was also encouraged by the Roman Catholic church, which was a strong influence in providing education, schools and laws, which meant that all Cuban citizens, especially women, were subjected to church doctrine which subordinated women and their rights according to a document entitled Historical Background of Cuba.

Oppression was not only occurring with women; Cubans who were of African descent were subjected to racial oppression in all socio-economic and political levels.

This is not surprising when one examines the practice of Cuban slavery. Evidence that illustrate the oppressive regime that many Afro-Cubans endured before the revolution is provided by Roberto Jorquera, author of Cuba's Struggle Against Racism (1998), document the numbers of African slaves to be a staggering 600,000 Africans who were brought from Sub-Saharan Africa to work the sugar plantations. These plantations were owned by the Cuban elite and were run from 1821 to 1831. Although slavery in Cuba was abolished, racial discrimination continued to be practiced in all areas of Cuban society and political policies according to Roberto Jorquera. Voting in the 1901 constitution for example, was discriminating and oppressive to black Cubans. Average Cubans who were of African descent were denied access to voting on political decisions unless they were wealthy, educated black males over twenty-one years of age. Opulent social clubs also denied entrance to all African Cubans, including Batista who later became the oppressive dictator of Cuba. Educational institutions were accessible to white Cuban students, or children of white Cuban elite families, and blatantly denied entrance to students who were black (Cuba's Struggle Against Racism, Roberto Jorquera 1998). In addition, Roberto Jorquera provides evidence of African Cuban oppression prior to the revolution by illustrating the economic structure of Cuban society that allotted minimal and unskilled economic opportunities to African Cubans, creating an oppressive and unequal distribution of wealth and labour. Although the oppression of Cuban women and Afro-Cubans was a historical reality in Cuban society, one must not neglect many other Cuban citizens who were oppressed by colonialists who centralized political and economic affairs and thus, created a mercantile economy that lasted until the industrial revolution.

According to Maya Seligman, who examined the issue of oppression of lower class Cuban citizens on September 19, 1996, Cuba was organized in a hierarchal social structure that consisted of colonial rulers and poor labourers who worked the land for the benefit of government administration and colonial or oppressive power structure. The year 1717 was when the Spanish established Cuba as a colony, and their alliance with wealthy French citizens gave rise to the tobacco growing industry. Farmers who grew this crop were increasingly oppressed and forced to remain in the same stratified class by the colonial, centralized government (Maya Seligman Nations & Nationalisms, 1996). The oppressive conditions of Cuban society, planted the seeds of a crop that would free Cubans from international and national exploitation, called revolutionary change.

Born on August 13, 1926 in Mayari Cuba to wealthy sugarcane plantation owners, Fidel Castro studied law at the University of Havana and joined established and growing groups that were opposing the oppressive Cuban government and social structure, according to Shannon Maxwell Eldridge, author of Castro, Fidel: The Rise to Power from the historical text archives (1990). Fidel helped the crop of revolutionary change grow, and led over two-hundred Cuban people into militant action for the needed revolutionary change, which is documented in the Free Information Society. The Batista regime, which was another oppressive dictator implemented in Cuba to continue the exploitation of Cuban citizens to benefit the elite was overthrown and on January 1, 1959. The crop of revolution had been planted and was able to grow with the Castro government according to the Free Information Society. As the revolution in Cuba progressed, the crop that was planted for change was blooming with social mobility that was achievable for the Cuban population who were oppressed under previous governments. The oppressive conditions and lack of mobility or opportunities in pre-revolutionary Cuba, as discussed earlier, was one of the reasons why revolutionary change was necessary. Revolutionary change proved to be the answer for many Cuban women, who are now able to access education, because of the emphasis on equal access, and the fact that more than half of the 55,000 doctors who graduated in 1991 were women, shows that change and equality for women is now possible because of the revolution (Nazia Shaikh, 2000). Furthermore, Cuban women are now able to pursue meaningful careers with access to resources that will encourage them to achieve success, which was not possible prior to the revolution in Cuba. The rights of women transcend educational and opportunities in the Cuban workforce. The revolution has worked to implement social and cultural education programs that have changed attitudes towards contraception for women, which was forbidden prior to the revolution because of colonial attitudes and church power. Contraceptive devices and medication is provided free of charge at maternity hospitals, and women are now able to demand abortions free of charge, which was another demand that women could not ask for in the previous oppressive Cuban regimes (Nazia Shaikh, 2000).

Cubans who are of African descent have also experienced some positive changes due to the revolution, which was necessary and desired by many. Denied access to political matters such as voting, Afro-Cubans are also experiencing positive changes such as the 1991 decision to recognize and allow Afro-Cuban religious practitioners of African religions into the Cuban Communist Party, thus giving Afro-Cubans who were alienated from political affairs unable to have political rights before, the ability to enter into political debates and make decisions or enter into the communist party as political party members. Integrated education has also been an initiative that the revolution has made to insure the once uneducated Afro-Cuban population has equal access to public schools with students of white races, according to Roberto Jorquera. Afro-Cubans who were oppressed by wealthy Cuban landowners for centuries before the revolution, now have the ability to own their homes because of the 50% rent reductions (Roberto Jorquera, 1998).

Although the revolution has not created a utopian society, many people criticize the lack of prosperity in Cuba. One can conclude that efforts to rid Cuba of oppressive policies is being achieved one step at a time. Furthermore, criticizism of Fidel Castro and the Cuban revolution is necessary. Examining Cuba's historical policies that were designed to oppress Cuban people, primarily Cuban women and Afro-Cuban people, created a society that needed positive change and in Cuban society, revolution was necessary.

WORK CITED

Dunder, J. (nd). Fidel Castro. Retrieved January 28, 2008 from www.freeinformationsociety.com.

Eldridge, S. (1990). Castro, Fidel: The Rise to Power. The Historical Text Archive. Retrieved January 28, 2008 from www.historicaltext.com

Jorquera, R. (1998). Cuba's struggle against racism. Green Left Weekly. Retrieved January 28, 2008 from: www.licoscanada.com.

Shaikh, N. (2000). Cuban Women: Before and After the Revolution. Cuban Women. Retrieved January 28, 2008 from: www.saxakali.com.