Freedom of the Press in Cote D'Ivoire

Repression of the independent press in Cote d'Ivoire is a long standing tradition that has enabled tyrannical leaders to maintain power. Without a free press, governments exist void of any responsibility to please the people they govern. This is so because if communication and information about current events and problems cannot flow freely, citizens are not educated. Today, Ivoirians only receive half of the story; the government's half.

The press in Cote d'Ivoire was not always repressed. After gaining independence in 1960, Cote d'Ivoire acted as a leader in Africa's media. My the government and the people alike it was seen as a way to unify their nation with its many and varied ethnic groups. The media was also seen as a way to encourage social and economic development in Cote d'Ivoire and throughout the rest of Africa. Felix Houphouet-Boigny, president at the time and throughout most of the rest of the 1900's, was quoted as saying that an Ivoirian journalist is "an agent of development, a citizen engaged at the sides of his brothers in the struggle for dignity and well-being." This was opposed to the "detached and analytical observer" that Houphouet-Boigny felt the western journalist was (Campbell 1998: 76).

However, freedom of the press became constricted shortly after independence. In fact, some speculate that the idea of ethnic divide was in fact institutionalized by the Houphouet-Boigny regime. Houphouet-Boigny's call for journalists to act as the great unifiers and humanitarians was in fact a way to create a moral argument against the presentation of dissent within Cote d'Ivoire (French 1993: 46).

Once the Houphouet-Boigny government realized that there would in fact be dissent, they decided to preempt it by creating a forum for its express: "Dialogue." Dialogue was a process by which a person who wanted to express their disapproval though a government monitored and run entity. It was comparable to France's Estates General of the eighteenth century. This process did provide a place for discussion between the government and its most restless citizens (Campbell 1998: 77-78).

Dialogue also strengthened the one party system. It did this by creating a place where the only political party, Parti Democratique de Cote d'Ivoire (PCDI), ruled supreme. For example, after the Dialogue of 1969, Houphouet-Boigny released only portions of the dissent expressed at the meeting to the PCDI controlled newspaper Fraternite Matin who hailed the Dialogue of 1969 as "meetings of truth" (Campbell 1998: 77). This was the same newspaper that contained Houpheouet-Boigny's "Thought of the Day" and portrayed him looking noble and distinguished in every picture, shaking hands with foreign diplomats and civic leaders (French 1993: 46).

In the years after the Dialogue of 1969, the process became even more narrow and was given less time to take place. The Dialogue of 1974 took only eight days as opposed to the three months the Dialogue of 1969 took. In addition, only government administrators, regional prefects and government cadres were invited to attend. Nevertheless, Fraternite Matin praised them as "courageous sessions of reflection and self-criticism (Campbell 1998: 78-80).

Houphouet-Boigny's regime made it so that Dialogue was the only acceptable outlet for expressing dissent (Campbell 1998: 80). Though printing an independent newspaper was never illegal in Cote d'Ivoire, government influence was enough to deter would-be dissenters (French 1993: 47). They proclaimed non-official methods of expression as promoting "subversion, plots, and the diffusion of libelous and pernicious tracts." At the time a popular alternative to Dialogue was the non-government controlled Radio Trechville. This created a system in which Ivorians were kept from hearing about the most important events happening in their nation. Michael A. Cohen, a western journalist, said "that if there is no public discussion of an incident it is removed as a subject of legitimate political discourse. For example, in 1973 there was believed to be a plot against the Houphouet-Boigny regime; however it was sparsely reported on (Campbell 1998: 80-81).

In 1977, an Ivoirian journalist names Namory Bakayoko reported on a growing rice shortage in Bouake, Cote d'Ivoire's second largest city. The government was outraged by the report citing its fear that the citizens of Cote d'Ivoire might misconstrue the report and believe the country was on the verge of a famine. On government minister explained, "It is necessary that the information we disseminate not only reflects the truth, but reflects a truth that is not contrary to the superior interests of the people of Cote d'Ivoire." For his report, Bakayoko was suspended for four months from the press. He also received a formal reprimand which was kept in his personnel file (Campbell 1998: 76-77).

Yet, there continued to be a growing force of opposition within the state run press. In particular, Noel X. Ebony is seen as one of the great pioneers in Cote d'Ivoire's eventual move towards freedom of the expression. In 1979, Ebony was a journalist for Fraternite Matin but chose to write an article for the Parisian newspaper Demain l'Afrique. This article contained claims that the social problems raised ten years prior at the Dialogue of 1969 remained unresolved and untouched by the government. Ebony explained Ivoirians' restlessness to ongoing "housing crisis, real estate speculation, price inflation...mounting unemployment, crumbling health services, inefficient administration, an urban transportation crisis, too few places in schools, and a shortage of teachers, among others (Campbell 1998: 84).

A slew of crackdowns on the press ensued. In 1980, eighteen journalist from Radio-Television Ivoirienne and the Agence Ivoirienne de Presse went on strike in order to voice their demands for increased salaries and better training programs. They were arrested and held until Amnesty International drew enough attention to their cause and they were released in 1981. Moreover, editor of Fraternite Martin, Marcellin Abougnan, was dismissed from his position after a comment he made at the Ivoirian Press Club's inaugural meeting in 1983. The then minister of state, Sery Gnoleba, remarked, "the day the Ivoirian journalist ceases to be the griot [praise-singer] of someone and becomes the informer of the Ivoirian people, that's when we will have real Ivoirian journalism." Abougnan sharply replied, "But you, yourselves, are the griots of President Houphouet-Boigny" (Campbell 1998: 85).

Both those who authored underground news and those who were state journalists became restless over their limited ability to report the news. This too led to the development of above-ground newspapers that were characterized by their criticism of Houphouet-Boigny in the 1990's. Moreover, Dialogue planted the seeds of the independent press in Ivoirians. As citizens realized that others had the same social, political, and economic grievances, they banded together. Perhaps it was Dialogue itself that caused a series of violent protests leading up to a new multiparty system that Houphouet-Boigny initiated in 1990. (Campbell 1998: 78-81).

From 1990 to 1991, Cote d'Ivoire experience a "press spring." Under the new system, alternative, non-state media organizations were allowed to emerge. However, many lost funding and quickly went under. In mid-1991, about sixty titles were active. By the end of 1992 that number dropped to only ten. There were clear reasons for this. First, new news organizations lacked advertising and other ways of profiting. Next, these organizations lacked a general knowledge of management and finance strategies. And finally, the oppression of the government made it impossible for new newspapers to stay in business (Campbel 99).

In 1990, a group of journalists who were formerly sponsored by the state set out to start their own newspaper: La Voie. Raphael Lakpe, editor-in-chief of the newspaper recalls, "we scoured the entire city, but every time we thought we had found a printer, when we showed up to sign a contract, their doors were shuttered and the lights were out." Several months later, La Voie finally found a printing press that was willing to risk the punishment of the government. It then went on to become the most widely read newspaper in Cote d'Ivoire; more widely read than Fraternite Matin (French 1993: 47).

Houphouet-Boigny's government still exercised great power over the press to spite it being "free". The regime imposed strict limits on what they would allow to be reported by the independent press. One law, enacted in 1991, outlawed "insults and contempt" of the president and other government officials. This law defined the crime as "any expression that is offensive or contemptuous...about either his public or private life, and which is of such nature as to undermine his honor or his dignity." This crime carried a punishment of up to two years imprisonment. One journalist, Freedom Neruda, called it a law "that protects virtually everyone in power" (Campbell 1998: 99-100).

If a journalist crossed these lines by criticizing government policies or Houphouet-Boigny, they were often subject to severe and swift punishment in the form of beatings, harassment, and imprisonment. In the early 1990's, Cote d'Ivoire received the title of being "the top of the hit parade in West Africa" for putting journalists in jail (Campbell 1998: 99-100).

In addition to the emerging newspapers, students played a major role in the increased freedom of expression in Cote d'Ivoire during the early 1990's. Barthelemy Kotchy, a dean at the University of Abidjan, stresses that "students have always played an important role in agitating for change, only to see their ferment repeatedly suppressed. This time, however, things were different" (French 1993: 47). Also, several violent protests of the early 1990's which addressed freedom of expression were initiated by students (Campbell 1998: 78).

Houphouet-Boigny died in 1993. The majority journalists and students were jailed in the following two years under the new rule of Henri Konan Bedie. Bedie was said to be even harsher on the independent press than Houphouet-Boigny. His most deliberate restriction on freedom of expression came when he instituted an electoral code that barred his strongest opponents from competing in the 1995 election. This caused journalist for La Voie, Souleymane T. Senn, to write an article urging Ivoirians to strike and protest the elections. As a result, many if not most Ivoirians boycotted the 1995 elections. For his role, Senn was arrest and charged with inciting violence and disrupting public order. He was sentenced to three years in prison (Campbell 1998: 101-102).

Bedie continued his oppression of the press throughout his time in office. Nevertheless, the Ivoirian independent press and its supporters continued their work for open and honest communication (Campbell 1998: 102). The country's first coup took place on December 24, 1999 (http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/

2846.htm). General Robert Guei became Cote d'Ivoire's new leader. His rule was characterized by military force (Schwab 2004: 60-61). Therefore, it is likely that he too opposed a free press.

Under Guei, the oppression of opposition parties continued. Guei too prohibited certain candidates from competing for the presidency (Schwab 2004: 61). This too led to a boycott of elections in 2000 by 62% of Ivoirians (Nugent 2004: 479). Still, after several disqualifications, Guei was left with one opponent: Laurent Gbagbo, a member of the Front Populaire Ivoirien (FPI). When early results showed Gbagbo in the lead, Guei halted the election, claiming the election board was corrupt. Guei declared himself the winner. Gbagbo supporters, outraged, rioted in Abidjan. Civilians assaulted the president's palace forcing him to flee to France. After the votes were counted, Gbagbo, with the most votes, took the position of president (http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/

2846.htm).

However, Gbagbo's regime continued Cote d'Ivoire's tradition of stifling the independent press. Restrictions placed on freedom of assembly and movement were used to prohibit opposition and the freedom of expression. Under this regime, the government used state run media to incite patriotism and nationalism and restricted freedom of the press. After the September 2002 uprising by rebel groups, many journalists censored themselves in an effort to avoid charges that they were "unpatriotic". The government also stopped international radio stations such as the BBC and Africa No. 1 from broadcasting within the country, citing the attempted uprising as justification (http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2003/27723.htm).

In the following months the press became increasingly vocal again and arrests of journalists decreased. Nonetheless, it was not long before harassment of the press picked up again. On July 5, 2003, a journalist who was sent to cover the demolition of a shantytown outside of Abidjan was detained for 24 hours. During this time his film was confiscated. It contained pictures of residents of the shantytown who had been killed by the force sent to destroy the town. Additionally, in October of 2003, an organization sponsored by the government, Congress of Young Patriots (COJEP), set out to wipe out opposition newspapers by seizing and destroying them (http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2003/

27723.htm).

On March 25, 2004, a group of individuals from opposition parties came together to protest Gbagbo's regime. Gbagbo ruled the protest illegal by decree but the demonstrators continued with their plans. The protest was held in Abidjan where it began peacefully. Government troops attacked the protesters with grenades and tear gas. The Ivoirian government claims that only 37 people died in the incident, including two officers who were lynched by the protesters. However, other sources claim as many as 500 died in the protest (http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGAFR310042004?open&of=ENG-CIV).

Though the government's hostility towards the free press is obvious, Gbagbo's regime continues to deny involvement in many of the attacks on journalists. In October of 2005, men dressed in military uniform raided a private radio station, Radio Nostalgie. In response Cote d'Ivoire's Communications Minister, Sery Bailly said, "In the nationwide crisis we are currently going through, editorial offices are attacked and ransacked. Journalists from all sides are being threatened and decide to silence themselves to avoid having their safety threatened... Using the opportunity of the nationwide ceasefire... I urge all of you to leave journalists alone and to give them a chance to contribute to the defense of freedom and to nation building" (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/

2360455.stm).

One of the key elements in democracy is the ability for every citizen to have a voice. To ensure that every voice is heard, a democracy must ensure that its citizens can express their point of view free of threats of violence. The lack of freedom of expression is a major barrier to Cote d'Ivoire becoming a true democracy. The continued repression of the independent press and the opinions of Ivoirians only hinders the country's growth and stability. And it will continue to do so until the press is truly free in Cote d'Ivoire.
Works Cited

Amnesty International. "The Indiscriminate and Disproportionate Repression of a

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Campbell, W. Joseph. The Emergent Independent Press in Benin and Cote

d'Ivoire. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1998.

French, Howard. "Old habits are hard to break." Columbia Journalism Review 32

(1993): 46-48.

Nugent, Paul. Africa Since Independence. New York: Palgrave Macmillian, 2004.

Schwab, Peter. Designing West Africa: prelude to 21st-century calamity. New

York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.

U.S. Department of State. "Cote d'Ivoire (02/06)." U.S. Department of State. Feb. 2006. 11 Apr. 2006.