Ghazans Political Islam

The military campaigns of the Mongols were fearsomely successful, almost entirely without defeat during the unification and existence of the Mongol Empire. A combination of highly effective psychological warfare, peerless discipline among their warriors, excellent equipment and tactical prowess, among other factors, allowed the Mongol expansion to be continued to such an extent as to have formed the largest empire the world has ever seen, nearly covering the entire land mass of Asia, and beyond.[1] This massive expansion had brought a mere 700,000 Mongols to be the lords of Asia, spreading them thinly across a vast territory.[2] How did so few people maintain control over such a vast and varied empire for hundreds of years? What was essential to the Mongol regime in foreign lands to overcome this issue? It appears unlikely that any part of the Mongol domain could possibly have been maintained without some cooperation on the part of the conquered society. Each Khanate had its own solutions to this problem; for Ghazan in the Ilkhanate this support was largely and consciously garnered from the deeply ingrained religious segment of Islam through his conversion and a number of pro-Islamic policies.

I intend to lay a foundation of the necessity of local support in these conquered societies due to the rapid spread of Mongol power, various methods that were used throughout the Mongol Empire to deal with this issue, including specific precedents for the use of religion by former Khans. I then will discuss Ghazans understanding of the political aspects of religion in the Ilkhanate during his time, as well as his possible motivations in converting to Islam and his religious policies during his reign, which resulted in support by the Islamic community. Finally I will look at the policies and actions initiated by Ghazan to actively cultivate Islamic support in creating and maintaining an orderly and stable Ilkhanate.

By the death of Chinggis Khan the Mongol Empire already spanned to cover about half of Asia, and the heirs of Chinggis Khan continued this expansion to cover almost the entirety of the continent, as well as some territory in Europe. As the empire grew the horde became considerably more spread out, both to conquer and consolidate power within new territories. With the continuing momentum of this movement Chinggis Khan, as well as his successors were certainly aware of the need to address the lowering numbers of Mongols able to be used in battle as conquering warriors, as well as the overall decreasing population density of ethnic Mongols, which is the problem dealt with here.[3]

Without enough warriors the advance would stagnate and fail, regardless of any Mongol strategic ability, and without the manpower to occupy a territory, it would be lost to its indigenous inhabitants. The basis of unity for the Mongol Empire had been the continuous advancing of military force to conquer more territory and amass more plunder and more grazing land. Continuing this momentum was essential to minimizing infighting and maintaining the Mongol nomadic way. Once the Mongols had achieved victory over a territory the military was needed to keep it from being reverted to indigenous control. We also see many examples from within the reign of Ghazan over the Ilkhanate, of rebellions from various radical religious sects, as well as by traitorous Mongols, which required military force to put down. "Ildei, who was tried and executed in the previous autumn, was no less than the fifth prince of the blood to come to a violent end within the first twelve months of Ghazan's Reign."[4]

Throughout the existence of the Mongol Empire, from its unification to the massive foreign campaigns lead by the khans the former problem was treated in part, in addition to their use of psychological warfare and spies, by both the breaking up of un-loyal steppe clans and the abducting of capable males from conquered sedentary civilizations, and then incorporating them into the military in various forms.[5] This practice bolstered the numbers of Mongol horde, as well as contributed to an inability of a conquered populace to stage an effective rebellion.[6]

In addition to this breakdown of social order many practices were undertaken to try to counteract the negative effects of being outnumbered by their subjects. In Yuan China, and other places to a lesser degree, the Mongol regime brought in non-Mongol administrators from other subjugated peoples outside of China that they found more trustworthy.[7] In the Russian lands the Mongols ruled from afar, letting the Russian princes continue their rule, under the power of the Mongols, using occasional raids and attacks to maintain control. Mongol rule in many areas also tended to be fairly lax in many conquered societies once the Mongols realized how much more gain there was in maintaining the peace and collecting taxes. A subjugated people were required to adhere to Mongol laws and pay taxes, however burdensome they could be, but the majority of the time if they were not participating in seditious activity the local order was maintained after the Mongol regime had been installed.[8] Before this, installation, however, the Mongols were known for often, though not always, executing a merciless genocide of any peoples offering substantial resistance to their intentions to seize control, including women and children. This resulted in considerably smaller populations in some conquered areas, and far more submissive populations in others.[9]

In the Islamic world of the Ilkhanate, however, there was a very different social and religious atmosphere, which was more resistant to disruption aside from wholesale destruction. The nature and role of religion in the Middle East was considerably different than that of other regions within the Mongol Empire, due to the fact that Islam was deeply integrated into the rigid societal structure of the people, with the concept of government itself being based on the protection of the faith.

For the Muslims the most perfect and complete power is the power of God with relation to creation in its entirety; and from this power all other powers and authority are derived.[10]

In the above quote A.K.M. Lambton summarizes the basis for the Muslim view of government. Governments in this period in the Middle East were typically strictly religious organizations, and had been for hundreds of years prior to the Mongol occupation. The ruler was considered sacred; sanctioned by God. In illustration of this, we have a statement made by the ambassadors of the 'Abâssid Caliph made to Hulegu prior to his attack: "If the Caliph is killed, the whole world will be disorganized, the sun will hide His face, the rain will cease to fall and the plants will no longer grow."[11] The head of the government was the executor of the authority of God on earth, thus holder of the highest possible form of legitimization. It was viewed that rulers held legitimization by virtue of their role as servants chosen by God: "God gives the kingdom to whom he wills." Despite this, authority was not automatically received by the ruler. A monarch was to have the graces and attributes of God, and had to demonstrate them, most notably that of justice. [12]

With the deep rooted and central role of religion in Middle Eastern civilization, especially its even stronger tie to legitimacy than may be seen in some other cultures, it was a prudent political move for the Ilkhanate to move towards for reasons of legitimization and favor among the common populous, if nothing else. One of our best examples for this is Ghazan Khan, ruler of the Ilkhanate 1295-1304, who converted in 1295, taking on the name Mahmûd and the title of Sultan.[13] After the death of the first Ilkhan, Hulegu, thirty years passed and five Khans ruled over the Ilkhanate to be poisoned, murdered, or die from the abuse of alcohol. These rulers spent the majority of their time pursuing their own interests of hunting, drinking and women, leaving much of the administration of the Ilkhanate to their favored. Power was quickly falling from the Ilkhan to the provincial rulers within the Ilkhanate. By this time within the Ilkhanate the Mohammedans held considerable power, and many Mongol nobles and soldiers themselves had converted to Islam. The Ilkhanate badly needed a unifying force to recentralize power away from the provincial administrators, and the time was ripe to do so. The Mohammedans helped raise Ghazan to power as the seventh Ilkhan and he began his unification of the Khanate.[14]

The garnering of Islamic support in the Ilkhanate was certainly not the first instance of the Mongols using religion to their benefit, be it with or without authentic interest in the actual faith. Chinggis Khan himself made contact with many religious sects and organizations throughout his reign, such as the Christians, Buddhists, Taoists, and Muslims. He learned of the countries from which they had come, and often imparted upon them a sense of interest by the Khan, perhaps lowering the chances of hostile behavior towards the Mongols in the hope that he may be willing to convert and be their ally.[15] We have a number of examples of Chinggis Khans interest in religion, such as his meeting with the Taoist master Ch'ang-Ch'un.[16] In this case it appears that Chinggis Khan did actually believe in the powers of the Taoist master, initially summoning him in the search for a medicine that granted immortality.[17] After Ch'ang-Ch'un had departed Chinggis Khan often sent messages to him requesting that he continue praying for his longevity, which is a common theme in interactions between the Khans and the priests and spiritual leaders of foreign religions, and to ask if he had yet won over the common people for Chinggis.[18]

Paul Ratchnevsky discusses Chinggis Khans use of shamanism in the uniting of steppe tribes, as well as his understanding of its importance for gaining loyalty among the common people of a conquered territory and to halt the development of holy wars. Among his primary means of achieving this was the allowance for free practice of religion and the exemption of religious institutions from tax, as well as enacting various other policies.[19] This coexistence with foreign religion, however, did not cause the slightest hesitation on the part of the Mongols to dispatch religious individuals, factions, or sects when they threatened the safety and health of the Empire. We have a prime example of this within the Ilkhanate as the Mongols carry out a campaign to destroy the radical Islamic sect of the Isma'ilis (The Assassins) to the very foundation of their existence without intent to spare even the swaddling child.[20] The Isma'ilis escaped complete destruction but continued only as minor sect spread across the Islamic world where ever they did manage to survive.[21]

Other Khans throughout the existence of the Mongol Empire continued the legacy of Chinggis Khans religious policies with the same intent, if not the same means. Qubilai Khan is known to have requested of Pope Gregory X the dispatch of missionaries, resulting in the pope sending two friars as well as a number of gifts for the Great Khan.[22] Tarmashirin Khan, of the Chaghadaid Khanate, converted to Islam during his reign, being the first Chaghadaid ruler to do so. The conversion of Tarmashirin to Islam, believed to originally have been a Buddhist, brought him much closer to his Muslim subjects, and improved foreign relations with both Egypt and Syria, as well as possibly the Delhi Sultanate.[23] Here we can easily see a deep rooted history of the khans using religion for political gains, at least some of which we believe to have been part of the Chinggis Great Yasa, such as religious toleration, so was likely to be known by all Mongol Khans to some extent. Ghazan himself was praised to be a high authority on the history and tradition of his forefathers, second only to the representative of the Great Khan,[24] as well as their genealogy.[25]

Looking specifically back to our example of Ghazan and his political use of religion it is best to start with his conversion to Islam. It is likely safe to say that we can never know the actual intentions and views of Ghazan concerning Islam and his conversion, but we may look at the factors involved in such a decision at the time. We know the political climate at the time of Ghazans ascent to the throne to have hosted a considerable Islamic faction, which was the foundation upon which Ghazan initially built his regime and let him rise to power.[26]

The political expediency of Ghazans conversion to Islam is certainly not enough by itself to warrant the conclusion that this was Ghazans only, or even primary, motivation. However, with the precedent of the failed attempt by Ilkhan Ahmed to convert to Islam and use it for political gain, it is hard to doubt that Ghazan would have had a fair understanding of the political climate and the possible effects of his conversion. Previous to Ghazans rise to the status of the Ilkhan, he had been a provincial ruler under his predecessor, so did hold intimate experience and knowledge of Ilkhanid politics.[27] In addition to the above, it is factors and events after his rise to power that add more significance to the question of Ghazans authentic belief and dedication to Islam outside of its political importance.

Reuven Amitai-Preiss discusses many aspects of Ghazans conversion, both before and after the event itself that may bring us toward a conclusion of Ghazans political understanding, if not intent, for his Muslim faith. Among the most important in relation to the topic at hand, are those practices and actions of Ghazan that were at least partly in contradiction with Islamic law and belief. Rashid al-Din documents Ghazans participation in traditional Mongol shamanistic rituals right after having prayed and given a public speech in a Muslim manner, a faith which was averse to Islam. More seriously was Ghazans desire to marry his deceased fathers wife, Bulughan Khatun, an act prohibited by Islamic law. The sources used by Amitai-Preiss state that Ghazan would have abandoned the Islamic faith had he been unable to marry Bulughan, but Islamic law was reinterpreted so that as Ghazans father had been a pagan, his marriage to Bulughan was not legal, thus Islamic law did not prevent Ghazans intent to marry her.[28]

There are other examples of Ghazans non-Islamic views and actions that point toward a lack of complete commitment to the Islamic faith. Amitai-Preiss also speaks on Ghazans life long adherence and reverence for the Great Yasa of Chinggis Khan, which certainly did not stop after Ghazans ascension to the Ilkhanate throne, or his conversion to Islam.[29] This is despite the existence of existing fundamental contradictions between the Yasa and Islamic Sharî`a, such as ritual purity and the slaughter of animals.[30] There are also secular examples of Ghazans continuing association with his traditional Mongol identity, such as his strict adherence to only using and demonstrating his understanding of the Steppe languages of Mongolian and Turkish, pretending to not be able to speak the Islamic language of Arabic.[31]

With these points it is clear that Ghazan did not fully commit himself to the Islamic faith, but retained many policies and beliefs contradictory to Muslim practice. He retained a strong foundation of traditional Mongol practices and pagan beliefs, and nearly abandoned Islam to maintain these interests. Regardless of the actual extent to which Ghazan held faith in Islam he had other priorities and interests which played into his decision to convert and his practice of Islam after this point. His dedication to Islam was not such as to stop him from recognizing and utilizing it for political ends. A good example we see of this is after Ghazans rise to power as the Ilkhan he began his persecution of the non-Islamic religions until the point where his rule was secured and then proceeded to establish religious toleration throughout the Ilkhanate.[32] Such actions suggest a purely political policy when it came to religion. In addition to securing his power from factions in other religious faiths, Dr. Charles Melville shows Ghazans motivation to gain support from the Mongols who had already converted to Islam in support of his struggle against Baidu.[33]

In addition to the actual conversion of Ghazan, in practical application he initiated many policies, which heavily contributed to pacifying Islamic hostility toward the Mongol regime, generating support, and maintaining social order. With the variable degree of incompetence and failures of the previous Khans as they left the rule of the Ilkhanate to the provincial administrators and their favored supporters, there was much room for improvement. Ghazan quickly took personal control as the Ilkhan. Among his first acts was making Islam the official state religion once more, and beginning the persecution of the non-Islamic religions, forcing many sects to convert, or leave the Ilkhanate. The severity of this persecution continued to intensify with the destruction of churches, temples, synagogues, and sometimes their conversion to mosques.[34] As mentioned previously, this persecution did end after a time, at which point Ghazan established laws protecting other religions, but not until his position as Ilkhan was secure.[35]

The religious persecutions were not only focused outside of Islam, but cut out many radical Muslim sects, which threatened the wellbeing of the state. The most well known of these radical was the Isma'ilis, who had been in conflict with the rest of the Islamic world for many years. The Mongols completed the near destruction of the Isma'ilis, though these were not the only such Muslims persecuted by the Mongols.[36] On and off throughout much of the existence of the Ilkhanate we see the Mazdakites threatening political stability through rebellion and conspiracy, forcing the hand of the Ilkhanate to dispatch them to maintain order.[37]

Aside from religious persecution and purging partaken by Ghazan to maintain stability and control, many strictly beneficial policies were enacted, specifically regarding Islam. Public readings of the Qur'ân were arranged, many Islamic organizations were given tax exemptions, and Ghazan also founded and provided funding for many mosques, hostels, and Islamic institutions which would give service and accommodations for the poor.[38] In addition to the creation of these institutions, Ghazan ruled under the Islamic code of law, the Shari`a, in addition to his continued use of the Yasa.[39]

Ghazan was a strong administer of both the Shari`a and the Great Yasa, fulfilling the role of the just divine ruler, having since he was young insured the compliance of his peers to the Yasa, punishing them when they were in err.[40] Ghazan put an end to the rule by Emirs and Viziers, and put a stop to much of the abusive selfishness exacted upon the people by local administrators, such as those concerning the taxes,[41] and he also put a stop to the quartering of military and official personnel in the homes of the people, which had often resulted in extortion and mistreatment.[42]

To check illegal exactions, he (Ghazan) commanded that in every commune the taxes to be raised should be specified by the governor in the presence of the cadis, emirs, and the imams, and that then, graven on wood, stone, copper, or Iron, a notice of what had been decided should be posted in front of the mosques and other public buildings.[43]

Ghazan was also very harsh in his punishments for those who had acted unjustly, defied him, or broken laws. It was common for him to execute high officials in addition to princes and generals, including his own relatives. He allowed no room for potential dissension and civil war among the elite of the Ilkhanate.[44] When Ghazan decreed the continuation of religious tolerance for non-Islamic religions there were those who defied him and continued to attack those churches which had survived the initial destruction. Those who were responsible were punished for their disobedience. So too was Ghazan forced to put down many conspirators, betrayers, and upstart rebellious generals. These individuals were executed without hesitation, often on the spot or as soon as they had been hunted down, and on more than one occasion lead to the deaths of an entire offending family.[45]

Ghazans enforcing of the laws also extended to protecting the Islamic faith by treating harshly those labeled as religious hypocrites, who were not true believers or worshipers of Islam, but claimed to be. We see this here in a quote from Ghazzan in a passage from the Jâmi' al-tawârîkh:

Let those among you who wish to return to India, to Kashmîr, to Tibet, and to the countries whence they came; and let those who remain here cease to be hypocrites, and let them believe in that which they have in their hearts and cease from defiling with their hypocrisy the true religion of Islam. And if it should come to my ears that they are building fire-temples or pagodas, I will without hesitation put them to the sword.[46]

The above listed and discussed policies and actions which Ghazan had initiated allowed him to maintain an ordered and controlled Khanate, as well as make some steps towards reunifying the Mongol Empire, placating the destructive fraternal in-fighting for a time.[47] Ghazans use of Islam was instrumental to his success as the greatest of the Ilkhans. Those before him allowed the power of the Ilkhan to spiral out to viziers and provincial administrators, and those after Ghazan shortly led to the collapse of the Ilkhanate, but for a time these failures were replaced by a functioning infrastructure.[48]

The success of the ever expanding Mongol Empire created the problem of a thinning ethnic Mongol population density, which was certainly one that the leaders of the Mongol Empire, since Chinggis Khan, had been aware of and made efforts to fix or compensate for. Many methods, as we can see from the listed examples, were used throughout the existence of the empire in attempts to deal with this considerable problem. The region of the Ilkhanate, however, hosted a different social and political atmosphere than much of the rest of the empire. Some of the methods used for other regions were ineffectual, impractical, or just inferior because of the unique organization of the Islamic state. This is where the use of religion came in among the primary methods for maintaining control and gaining local support as a solution to an ethnic Mongol population that was considerably smaller than that of the indigenous inhabitants.

From the beginning Chinggis had used religious toleration matched with the ruthless removal of those who threatened rebellion or political upheaval to maintain order among the conquered, as well as during the unification of the steppe peoples. The view of the ruler as a divine servant or messenger from God and his authority was not a new concept in Asian government or religion, but was a very powerful factor in the legitimization of the ruler in the Islamic world, so provided an avenue for support and order under the new regime. Ghazan was doubtlessly very aware of the practices of his forefathers, the political climate of the Ilkhanate at the time, and the expediency of a conversion to Islam. As we have seen, Ghazan made full use of this aspect of Islam through his conversion to build and maintain his foundation of authority and political stability. He followed through with his institution of Islamic law, many other pro-Islamic policies, and the persecution of non-Islamic faiths. These were all essential to his success in correcting the mistakes of his predecessors and maintaining an orderly and stable Ilkhanate.

[1] Michael Prawdin, The Mongol Empire: It's Rise and Legacy (London: Bradford and Dickens, 1953), 157-8.

[2] Michal Biran, "The Mongol Transformation: From Steppe to Eurasian Empire," Medieval Encounters 10/1-3 (2004): 348.

[3] Paul Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan: His Life and Legacy (Oxford and Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers, 1992), 184.

[4] J.A. Boyle, editor, The Cambridge History of Iran (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), Vol. 5, 381.

[5] Michal Biran, "The Mongol Transformation: From Steppe to Eurasian Empire," Medieval Encounters 10/1-3 (2004): 348.

[6] John Masson Smith Jr., "Mongol Manpower and Persian Population," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol 18, No. 3 (Oct., 1975): 277-8.

[7] Michal Biran, "The Mongol Transformation: From Steppe to Eurasian Empire," Medieval Encounters 10/1-3 (2004): 349.

[8] J.A. Boyle, editor, The Cambridge History of Iran (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), Vol. 5, 493.

[9] Ibid, 484-8.

[10] A. K. S. Lambton, "Concepts of Authority in Persia: Eleventh to Nineteenth Centuries A.D.," Iran, Vol. 26 (1988): 96.

[11] J.A. Boyle, editor, The Cambridge History of Iran (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), Vol. 5, 539.

[12] A. K. S. Lambton, "Concepts of Authority in Persia: Eleventh to Nineteenth Centuries A.D.," Iran, Vol. 26 (1988): 99.

[13] Reuven Amitai-Preiss, "Ghazan, Islam and Mongol Tradition: A View from the Mamlûk sultanate" Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 59, No. 1 (1996): 1.

[14] Michael Prawdin, The Mongol Empire: It's Rise and Legacy (London: Bradford and Dickens, 1953), 372-8.

[15] Paul Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan: His Life and Legacy (Oxford and Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers, 1992), 197.

[16] Li Chih-Ch`ang, The Travels of an Alchemist (London: G. Routledge, 1931), 47.

[17] Michael Prawdin, The Mongol Empire: It's Rise and Legacy (London: Bradford and Dickens, 1953), 201.

[18] Paul Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan: His Life and Legacy (Oxford and Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers, 1992), 198.

[19] Paul Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan: His Life and Legacy (Oxford and Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers, 1992),198.

[20] 'Alâ' ad-Din 'Atâ-Malik Juvainî, History of the World Conqueror (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997), Vol. II, 723.

[21] Bernard Lewis, The Assassins: A Radical Sect in Islam (New York: Octagon Books, 1980), 95-6.

[22] Marco Polo, The Travels of Marco Polo (New York: Modern Library, 2001), 7.

[23] Michal Biran, "The Chaghadaids and Islam: The Conversion of Tarmashirin Khan (1331-34)," Journal of American Oriental Study, vol. 122, no 4. (Oct.-Dec., 2002): 747-8.

[24] J.A. Boyle, editor, The Cambridge History of Iran (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), Vol. 5, 397.

[25] Michael Prawdin, The Mongol Empire: It's Rise and Legacy (London: Bradford and Dickens, 1953), 378.

[26] Ibid, 376.

[27] Ibid.

[28] Reuven Amitai-Preiss, "Ghazan, Islam and Mongol Tradition: A View from the Mamlûk sultanate" Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 59, No. 1 (1996), 2-3.

[29] D.O. Morgan does offer some argument on this view, asserting that such praise for the Yasa after Ghazan had become the Ilkhan was likely to be but a distraction for the Mongols over his institution of Islamic law, which was not always well received by the Mongols, as discussed in: D. O. Morgan, "The 'Great "yâsâ" of Chingiz Khân' and Mongol Law in the Îlkhânate" Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 49, No. 1 (1986): 172.

[30] Reuven Amitai-Preiss, "Ghazan, Islam and Mongol Tradition: A View from the Mamlûk sultanate" Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 59, No. 1 (1996): 4.

[31] Ibid, 5.

[32] Michael Prawdin, The Mongol Empire: It's Rise and Legacy (London: Bradford and Dickens, 1953), 376.

[33] Reuven Amitai-Preiss, "Ghazan, Islam and Mongol Tradition: A View from the Mamlûk sultanate" Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 59, No. 1 (1996), 1.

[34] J.A. Boyle, editor, The Cambridge History of Iran (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), Vol. 5., 379, 541-2.

[35] Michael Prawdin, The Mongol Empire: It's Rise and Legacy (London: Bradford and Dickens, 1953), 376.

[36] Bernard Lewis, The Assassins: A Radical Sect in Islam (New York: Octagon Books, 1980), 95-6.

[37] J.A. Boyle, editor, The Cambridge History of Iran (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), Vol. 5, 549.

[38] Ibid, 442-4.

[39] D. O. Morgan, "The 'Great "yâsâ" of Chingiz Khân' and Mongol Law in the Îlkhânate" Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 49, No. 1 (1986): 172.

[40] Reuven Amitai-Preiss, "Ghazan, Islam and Mongol Tradition: A View from the Mamlûk sultanate" Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 59, No. 1 (1996): 4

[41] Michael Prawdin, The Mongol Empire: It's Rise and Legacy (London: Bradford and Dickens, 1953), 377.

[42] J.A. Boyle, editor, The Cambridge History of Iran (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), Vol. 5, 494-5.

[43] Ibid.

[44] Ibid, 377-8.

[45] Ibid, 380-3.

[46] Ibid, 542.

[47] Michael Prawdin, The Mongol Empire: It's Rise and Legacy (London: Bradford and Dickens, 1953), 378.

[48] Ibid, 377.

Ghazans Political Islam:

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