In addition to customary stressors in the line of duty, female officers potentially face stresses caused by their minority status within law enforcement departments. In 2001, Hollis conducted an exploratory study to determine the roles of gender and race in stressors for female police officers. This was the first known published research on such a topic, and was most likely quite overdue. Although the study reported no significant results, it opened a doorway for other researchers to perform similar studies and learn more about the stress endured by female police officers. In studies following Hollis's, significant results have been found; differences in stress types and reactions in men and women police officers have been identified. According to Morash, Kwak and Haarr (2006), bias attitudes from coworkers are a major source of stress for officers. Female officers are subject to two major biases stemming from gender stereotypes: perceived inadequate physical strength and gender biases resulting in sexual harassment.
It has been suggested females are not physically adept enough to perform functions of a law enforcement occupation (Biddle & Sill, 1999). It is true female body structures do not have the capacity to hold as much weight or endure as much physical strain as those of the male gender. However, this creates quite a problem for equal opportunity hiring in law enforcement. It has been difficult to draw the line between how much physical strength is enough to perform job duties, without setting standards too high for females. It is possible standards for physical fitness are compromised in order to allow law enforcement departments to hire more female officers. This being the case, it is obvious why male police officers might take offense and create bias toward women. It is also quite likely some very physically fit women can perform to the same standards as the male officers. However, as a common gender stereotype, women are perceived to be much weaker than men and it is likely this stereotype leaks into police stations, causing stress for female officers through the bias ideals of their male coworkers. So in addition to the normal law enforcement occupational stress caused by maintaining physical fitness, female officers are also subject to criticism and perhaps looked down upon by males in their departments. Some male officers may not even realize their bias, but they may react toward their female coworkers in the same courtesy manner shown to other females; offering to take some physical burden off their shoulders. This is likely to be interpreted by female officers as an attempt to degrade their status, therefore causing stress for them.
Terry places the stresses of police work in four distinct categories (Terry, 1981, as cited in Kapardis, 2003). These categories are external, internal, task related, and serious concerns about one's own personal safety. Terry's description of these categories speaks of the general police population, but it might be interesting to examine gender differences in these categories.
External stressors, true to the label, are stressors placed on the officer by outside sources. For male officers this might be general stress from society . For female officers, external stress may stem from other sources in addition to the problems males encounter. Just as females are more susceptible to sexual harassment in the workplace, they are also more susceptible to harassment in the community. It is likely some members of the community will not take female officers as serious as males, believing they will be more lenient or are less qualified for their jobs. Internal stressors are demands an officer places on his or herself , causing unnecessary stress. In addition to demands all officers might make of themselves, female officers may experience the desire to prove themselves, therefore being much harder on themselves. Task-related stressors are those resulting from job duties. For females, these might differ in nature but not necessarily quantity. Whereas males are more likely to become frustrated with the continued patterns of violence in an area, women might be emotionally disturbed in a different way, perceiving a hopelessness for society and internalizing this perception. For example, it is possible female officers might feel more responsibility to settle domestic arguments, whereas male officers may be more concerned with simply separating two arguers and moving on to the next task at hand. The final category proposed by Terry is of serious concerns about one's own personal safety. This category is self-explanatory. Police officers may experience stress as a result of worrying for their own safety. For female officers, this stress may perhaps be greater as a result of their perceived (or actual) inferior physical status. Criminals may see female officers and be so cowardly as to aim their violent efforts at those perceived to be lesser targets.
The stress of working in a male dominated profession cannot be overlooked when examining sources of stress for female officers. As with other male majority professions in which a female enters, minority status can create quite interference. Take for example the other major stressor identified for female officers; sexual harassment. This stressor can be assumed the result of the female minority status in law enforcement. It is an extremely disturbing problem faced by female officers. Sexual harassment creates significant stress in any workplace. An environment in which females are greatly outnumbered most likely increases the chances she will be subject to some form of sexual harassment, and feel less comfortable reporting it. It has been suggested harassment can cause perceived and actual higher occupational expectations for female officers (Parker & Griffin, 2002). The increased level of demands for female officers to "prove themselves" may be a significant source of stress.
Not only are women likely to be treated as less than physical equals to their male coworkers, their role within the department can even enforce stereotypes and encourage sexual harassment. For example, consider undercover operations aimed at prostitution. Officers often dress up as prostitutes and "walk the streets", soliciting "customers" in an effort to bring down those participating in such illegal activities. Playing the role of a street prostitute is most obviously a position bursting with sexual innuendo and encouraging sexual advances. And who takes the role of these decoy prostitutes? Female police officers do. This is an example of the inherent encouragement of sexual harassment within the context of their own occupation. Although it is logical to use female officers as decoys, and perhaps the only option, this position inevitably causes sexual friction in the workplace. It can be assumed the sexual appeal of female officers dressed up to play the part of a prostitute is not largely ignored by male coworkers. This is an example of one situation in which the role of female officers may encourage the stressor of sexual harassment.
Overall, it can be assumed stress differs between male and female officers. It is obvious at least some degree of stress for female officers is a result of harassment and unequal treatment from those within their departments, and those in the community. What can be done to smooth out difference and encourage equal treatment of female and male police officers? Perhaps the starting point must be a closer examination of the extent of the problem itself. The research in this area is slim. Developing solutions is near impossible until the extent of the problem has been defined. It might be ideal to conduct several exploratory studies to determine the extent of each category of stress for female officers, and then conduct studies to determine the extent of the difference between male and female officers. Once these differences are defined, it would then be possible to design and implement programs aimed at reduced and/or equalizing stress for female police officers.
References
Biddle, D. & Sill, N.S. (1999). Protective service physical ability tests: Establishing pass/fail, ranking, and banding procedures. Public Personnel Management, 28, 217-225.
Hollis, D.L. (2001). Gender role orientation and racial differences in job stress and strain among female police officers. The Sciences and Engineering, 61, 384-386.Kapardis, A. (2003). Psychology & Law: A Critical Introduction (2nd edition) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Morash, M., Kwak, D. & Haarr, R. (2006). Gender Differences in the Predictors of Police Stress. Policing: An international Journal of Police Strategies & Management, 29, 541-563.
Parker, S. K. & Griffin, M.A. (2002). What is so bad about a little name-calling? Negative consequences of gender harassment for overperformance demands and distress. Journal of occupational health psychology, 7, 195-210.
Published by Cecilia Phenix
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