Lifting the Veil on Islamic Feminism

A woman in Algeria watches as her friend is shot at a bus stop for no apparent reason - later she realizes that her friend was unveiled. A Saudi teenager is stabbed to death by her father for allowing a boy to walk her home from work. In Iran, a woman drives to her job as a legal adviser, overseeing such cases as these. Meanwhile, a delegation of Middle Eastern women from several nations boards a plan to the United States to speak out against the atrocities against women living under Islamic fundamentalist regimes. They share their stories with Western feminists not in order to gain sympathy or to learn feminist strategy from their foreign counterparts, but to highlight the political and cultural factors that dictate women's status in the Muslim world. While the experience of Muslim women is incredibly diverse, the popular Western image is that of a silent, battered, subservient creature beneath a veil. Therefore, the spread of knowledge and activism by Islamic feminists is imperative to increasing understanding of their position in the contemporary globalized world. The levels of oppression or freedom granted to women in Arab and Islamic societies may vary, but their ascent ot gain these rights unites them.

The place of Muslim women in Arab and Muslim nations is marked by rampant inequality, oppression, and even violence. This subjugated status is attributed not only to Islamic law, or shar'ia, but to the structure of these societies that are based on deeply entrenched patriarchal. A chief proponent of the inequity and maltreatment of Muslim women has been the interpretation of the Qur'an in favor of men. This male domination of Islamic teachings has served to reinforce the current patriarchal rule that determines women's status in these societies. Such patriarchal became a key component in the founding of Arab societies from the beginning of Islam. Indeed, by some accounts it seems that women in the early Islamic Arab world were afforded a more independent, equal position in society. There are abundant records of the high status, wealth, and education of the Prophet Muhammed's first wife Khadija as well as the extremely influential position held by his second wife A'isha (Yamani 199). While the Qur'an states that men are to "protect and maintain" women, most men in Muslim cultures clearly bend this instruction to their own advantage.

The role of patriarchal order in the early Islamic Arab world was vital in building and upholding a new society (Yamani 88). As this order became firmly established, male authority came to be the basis of family law, as well as just about every area of society. In too many cases, patriarchal rule over women reaches lethal extremes in the form of fundamentalist regimes or male family members. A recent example of the unspeakable treatment of Muslim women was the period of time when the extremist Taliban ruled Afghanistan. There fanatical tactics forced women to comply to a number of ludicrous rules which surpassed mere subjugation, though fear of beating, harassment, rape, or death (Bloch 49). Another cruel yet legally sanctioned manifestation of Islamic patriarchal rule in Arab societies is the crime of honor, in which a male family members may murder a woman caught committing to adultery or engaging in pre-marital sex. Even the suspicion of such an act by a male relative is considered legally acceptable shot in the name of Islamic fundamentalist regimes, often for such crimes as appearing in public (Yamani 146). Genital mutilation is a practice which has recently been abolished in Egypt but that continues on in other Muslim societies, in which the clitoris and labia area detached to remove sexual desire (Beyer p.2). In Algeria and Sudan women are brutally raped and beheaded, sometimes for the mere crime of not covering their heads. These heinous acts represent the full extent of patriarchal force when combined with Islamic fundamentalism that take place all too often in Arab and Muslim countries. The structure of these societies is based upon the supreme authority of the patriarch, and women bear the brunt of this authority.

Depending on which country one examines, the contemporary social conditions vary, but far-reaching measures of inequality pervade them all. While men and women are granted the same religious duties and potential rewards under the Qur'an, such equality is not reflected in other areas of society. Upon examination of this holy text, one would deduce that females are encouraged to pursue an education alongside men, yet in reality they are significantly outnumbered in all levels of school. Also inherent in the teachings of Islam is the idea that men's and women's roles are ont the same, yet serve to complement one another. Women's roles as mothers and homemakers are valued, yet their access to employment in most Muslim societies is quite limited (Yamani 206). Fortunately, Islamic law does permit room for women in the workplace, and in some societies, for example Iran and Jordan, they are invited to serve government positions. However, the employment rates of women in these regions remain ever-fixedly below those of men. In another sphere of life incredibly central to women, marriage and child custody, the law also favors men. While the Qur'an does allow women the right to choose a husband, it is he who has ultimate control during and after the marriage. This has much to do with the way Islamic law is interpreted to perpetuate gender roles in which an obedient and subservient wife will be rewarded. It is undeniable that Islamic law discriminates against women in the matters of marriage and divorce. Indeed, they are unable to fathom the rights afforded to men, including polygamy, concubine, and easily attained divorce. Furthermore, in the case of divorce men are awarded full custody over the children once a boy reaches the age of seven and a girl the age of nine. This slight window of time given to the mother is immediately revoked in the event that she remarries, however (Yamani 75). These and other discriminatory laws force the majority of Muslim women in the Middle East to continue in the uphill battle for equality under Islam.

Women's oppression and subjugated status in Arab and Muslim countries continues amidst a backdrop of globalization in which Western ideologies are imposed worldwide. This propagation of Western standards, often through the popular media, has created a widespread perception of a polarized East vs. West. Often, the East refers to an "Oriental Other" that seems to oppose the core values of American society. Particularly in the aftermath of resurgent Islamic fundamentalism in the late 1970s and early 1980s did anti-Islamic attitudes emerge in the West. Since that time, these general attitudes have escalated into an all-out challenge between Western power and Islamic fundamentalism, with attacks on both sides. As Middle Eastern nations began to pose a threat to the U.S., as during the Persian Gulf War, media portrayals of Arabs and Muslims became increasingly generalized and racial in nature. This Islam-bashing served to justify American invasion of Iraq, or at least tried to. At the forefront came what the West seemed to perceive as their primary point of contention with the Eastern "other" - the treatment of women under Islam. This Eurocentric media focus on the appearance and sexual segregation of women in most cases only led to a reinvigorated Islamicisation in which the female body was to be protected from Western eyes (Moghissi 36-37). European colonization of Muslim countries, while supposedly promoting the liberation of women, often had the opposite effect by inciting extremist groups to become more militant in their fundamentalist approach to preserving Islamic tradition. In other words, women bore the brunt of the conflict as symbolic vessels of Islamicization. The very occupation of Western forces in Muslim and Arab societies diverted political focus from the rights of Muslim women to the enemy at hand. In theory, Western concern for the numerous human rights crimes of extremists should serve to help the plight of female victims in these societies. Yet, as author Nawal el Saasawi puts it, the United States "indirectly supports" these regimes by agreeing not to subvert them (Beyond Borders). The globalizing forces that have projected Eurocentric ideology worldwide and reinforced an East vs. West mentality have contributed little to the amelioration of the plight of Muslim women whose rights they claim to advocate.

Perhaps the most visible symbol of the Muslim woman is the veil, for which different policies exist in various societies, reflecting the diversity of women's lives under Islam. While such policies regarding the covering of women vary, the Western world views this gender practice as representative of women's general oppression in all Muslim and Arab nations. Yet, the feelings of Muslim women towards this custom are as varied as the many different faces beneath the veils. In many Islamic societies such as Iran and Algeria, wearing the veil is mandatory and non-compliance runs the risk of legal and extra-legal punishment of varying severity. Other national governments as in Egypt and Jordan, technically allow the option to wear the veil, albeit amidst strong encouragement or coercion by fundamentalist groups. As in the latter two societies, the choice to cover oneself often represents a choice between "capitalist modernization...and the security and protection that the Islamists promise" (Moghissi 44). This picture contrasts starkly with the situation of Muslim women living in Western societies who have the choice whether or not to veil themselves, and who view this decision in terms of the ideological appeal of Islam (Moghissi 44). Indeed it is such women who seem to find the veil empowering; within a new society they are able to assert their cultural identity. The luxury of choice generally has an impact on the attitudes of Muslim women towards this practice. Nevertheless, most Middle Eastern Muslim women agree that veiling is the least of their problems, and that efforts must first be focused on maintaining political and economic stability, particularly in war-torn nations. In Muslim society, women's bodies are perceived as posing a sort of "threat to social stability", which play an instrumental role in the preservation of honor for both sexes (Brooks 32). The issue of the veil is indeed as multifaceted as the women beneath it, surpassing a general Eurocentric perception that all Muslim women suffer an identical fate. These women are caught between a Western-perpetuated standard of female beauty and the Islamic idea of protected femininity under a sheath of fabric. The many arguments over the wearing of the veil seem to send the message that Muslim women are merely bodies, who have the potential to satisfy either side of the East vs. West coin.

Outside perceptions of women under Islamic rule have led Western feminists to hastily suggest their brand of feminism to ameliorate the situation. However, what these women seem to ignore is that Western feminist goals and tactics may completely clash with the cultures and politics under which most Middle Eastern women live. Feminism, as defined by Azza M. Karam, is "an individual or collective awareness that women have been and continue to be oppressed in diverse ways and for diverse reasons because of their gender..." (Afkhami and Friedl 18). This definition reminds us the necessity of recognizing inherent differences among different types of feminist movements based on differing conditions in each society. Islamic feminism, for example, refers to the movement of women working within their faith in order to gain rights. Advocates of this movement often criticize the Western feminist movement for seemingly representing only the interests of white, northern, middle and upper-class women. There is also the view held by some Islamic feminists that their Western counterparts tend to generalize the oppression of all third-world women (Afkhami 19). The societies in which these female Muslim activists live further embed in them the notion of "one voice against Imperialism", as proposed by the late Ayatollah Khomeini in Iran (Moghissi 137). Indeed, these women are wary of a Western approach to attaining women's rights which simply does not fit the context of their respective societies. While Western women live in a world in which their liberties and rights are guaranteed by democratic institutions, this is not true for most Muslim women in the Middle East. Women living under strict Islamic regimes live among the threat of punishment at the hands of officers, making it dangerous, if not deadly to use certain Western feminist tactics. By no means is this to say that Islamic feminist groups place a lesser value on activism or that they remain voiceless, though Western media may perpetuate that image. The realities faced by women living in Muslim and Arab societies shape their particular brands of feminism.

Islamic feminists further contrast with Western ones over key elements which they perceive as de-valuing and ignoring different cultures and the importance of women's naturally complementary roles. A claim made by some Islamic feminists against Western women's rights movements is that they eventually serve to exploit women as sex objects and tools of capitalist, patriarchal society. Many also see the sexual freedom of Western women as opposing the Muslim virtue of natural female modesty. In general, some such women characterize the Western feminist movement as encouraging the "loose, shameful...character" in its women (Yamani 211). Considering the highly complex nature of Islamic sexuality and its perceived relationship with both male and female honor, it becomes easier to understand the opposition to and stereotypes of a brand of feminism that has led to such sexual autonomy for women. More importantly, a significant number of Islamic feminists feel that Western feminism undervalues the role of wife and mother by focusing on competition with men in the job market. The Islamic precept of the vital complementary nature of men and women's roles does not signal a lower status than men. Such roles give many Muslim women a sense of purpose and importance, and have been a key instrument in gaining political influence over these areas of society, most notably in Iran. While these women advocate female employment, they believe that the goal of competition with men serves to further burden Western women, and therefore do not wish to emulate them (Yamani 200). In sum, several factors influence the critical stance of Islamic feminists towards their Western counterparts. In addition to being politically infeasible for them, Islamic women view the Western feminist agenda as being diametrically opposed to their goals and their way of life.

While not the only method for gaining ground in the women's rights movement in the Middle East, Islamic feminism is the most realistic, and so far the most successful, way to advocate for equality. This type of feminism allows women to work within an indigenous framework that is more fitting to their own political and cultural realities, rather than try to adopt foreign methods. As one woman pointed out, many Islamic feminists during periods of war or military occupation by Western nations are disinclined to borrow foreign concepts at a time when foreigners are causing such devastation (Beyond Borders). Ironically, the very purpose of the Islamic women's rights movement must often be concealed. In other words, these women sometimes find it necessary to appear as though they are advocating their various reforms purely in the name of Islam, not gender equality (Yamani 211). As Islamic fundamentalism does not appear to be releasing its grip any time in the near future, women in these societies have learned how to use it to their advantage. They do this by revisiting the origins of Islam, and emphasizing the relatively independent, autonomous position held by women at this time. Looking to the wealthy, educated, and commanding first wife of Muhammed, Khadija, and his second wife of tremendous political prominence, A'isha, Islamic feminists feel more optimistic about their current struggle (Yamani 200). Also using specific dictates from the Qur'an, these groups have worked to underline the equality under God which must be upheld for all Muslims. By working within the confines of their own societies and not attempting to import foreign ideals to gain feminist ground, Middle Eastern feminists have done just that.

Probably the most noteworthy example of the success of Islamic feminist tactics has taken place in Iran. Over the past two decades since the Revolution and establishment of a strictly Islamic state, women there have been stripped of many hard-gained rights. In place of old laws came new, clearly discriminatory legislation that erased any semblance of gender equality, with the exception of the right to vote. As the supposed shining example of Islam to the world, Iranian women have fought a clever battle with the government in which Islam is used to regain rights. Searching through the Qur'an and the annals of Islamic history, they use traditional teachings and ideas in their defense. For instance, citing the teaching that all Muslims are to "become learned", women have regained significantly greater access to different areas of education, and now make up over half of Iranian college students. Women also demanded recognition in the political sphere, and more were elected on government committees in which they have had influence over the legislation that affects their lives. When all women judges lost their positions in the wake of the revolution, "Iranian women lawyers refused to be marginalized", and were subsequently allowed to act as advisers to male lawyers. In court, these female advisers wield influence over cases involving custody struggles and other matters imperative to women's rights (Yamani 205-206). Islamic feminists' battle in Iran has been slow and arduous, as are all feminist movements. Nonetheless, the exemplary progress gained by these ingenuous Iranian women continue to improve the lives of their mothers, sisters, daughters, and friends by bringing about a greater atmosphere of tolerance and reception to their demands.

Today, Islamic women worldwide continue to fight an uphill battle for equal rights within fundamentalist regimes. Not all have gained the degree of success of Persian women, and most still live under highly repressive conditions in which there appears to be little room for negotiation. And yet they continue to negotiate, gaining ground in each nation. In 1999, a decree was issued to allow Kuwaiti women the vote and election to Parliament, but the ruling was swiftly overturned. The Moroccan government has suggested new reforms to women's property and marriage rights, but have faced an onslaught of conservative, fundamentalist opposition. However, in Syria, Iraq, and Turkey a larger number of women are being elected to governmental positions. Also, four Muslim countries have been, or continue to be headed by a woman. Recently, female circumcision in Egypt was officially banned, and women in Qatar were given the guarantee of equal rights to participate in the first parliamentary ballot election to take place this year. Women in Turkey have an unprecedented level of rights rivaling that even of the Western world, and led by a progressive and secular president. There, women's rights are attained more quickly in all areas, yet are still faced with opposition (Time.com). Though the measures of feminist success throughout the Muslim world differ and nearly always meet with harsh opposition, women remain dedicated to their claims to equality.

In a contemporary world of rapidly spreading ideologies and cultural messages, the image of the Muslim woman is not always an accurate one. Western homogenization of Muslim women's experiences provides another barrier with which to see her situation more clearly. If the voices beneath the veils go unheard, it is not for lack of feminist activism on the part of many women living under fundamentalist Islamic regimes. Their goals may not be the same as those of their Western feminist counterparts, but they face a similar uphill battle to attaining equality with men. Rather than rejecting a religion that should give them hope, many Islamic women use its fundamental teachings to liberate themselves from backwards, misogynistic laws. Despite monstrous and even violent opposition, women in these countries continue to pioneer for their desperately needed rights, so veiling themselves becomes a choice and not a burden.

Bibliography

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Afkahmi, Mahnaz and Friedl, Erika. Eds. (1997). Muslim Women and the Politics of Participation. Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press.

National Film Board of Canada. (2000). "Beyond Borders: Arab Feminists Talk about their Lives". Canada.

Yamani, Mai. Feminism and Islam (1996): Legal and Literary Perspectives. New York: New York University Press.

Bloch, Hannah and Beech, Hanna. "Lifting the Veil". Time Magazine. December 3, 2001.

Beyer, Lisa. "The Women of Islam" pp1-3. Time.com. November 25, 2001.

www.time.com/world/article/0,8599,185647-2,00.html

Brooks, Geraldine. Nine Parts of Desire (1995). New York: Broadway Publishing.