Living Through War: The Use of Rape Against Women in the Congo

Millie West, Yahoo! Contributor Network
Sep 10, 2007 "Share your voice on Yahoo! websites. Start Here."

Since 1997, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been ravaged by ethnic discord and brutal civil war, leading to the death of over three million people. Misery and ruin have infiltrated the lives of the Congolese people through dramatic economic decline, widespread malnutrition, lack of humanitarian aid, constant fighting, internal displacement, and the systematic targeting of its women and children by means of rape, torture, slavery, and forced combatant recruitment (Amnesty, 2004; WIN, 2000; Goodwin, 2004). Rape, torture, and mutilation have become the primary means of conquering and controlling the people of this country and results in the dehumanization, the loss of innocence, and the psychological damage of women. By applying a sociological perspective to the background and resulting consequences of a war-torn life in the DRC, the window into the personal experiences of women becomes the obvious connection between the Congo's conflicted past and a peaceful hope for the future.

War Background
Led by Laurent Kabila, the Alliance des Forces Démocratigues pour la Libération du Congo (ADFL) originally formed to focus on the protection of Congo's borders against incursion by Hutu Interahamwe. However, in May of 1997, the ADFL, largely supported by Rwanda and Uganda, gained control of Kinshasa, instilled a new government by deposing Joseph Mobutu, and designated the country, then called Zaire, the Democratic Republic of Congo. Throughout the next two years, severe disagreements erupted between the DRC and its former allies, Uganda and Rwanda. Without hesitation, the two countries invaded the DRC, splitting the country into three zones: Uganda controlled territory in the north, Rwanda controlled territory in the east, and the Kinshasa government controlled territory in the south and west, aided by other African nations. With the confusion of six involved African countries, rebel and government forces battled intensely, leaving behind bruised and battered families, torn land, and fallen homes. It was not until mid-1999 that a cease-fire was signed, yet the gunfire continued. While Joseph Kabila succeeded the presidency after his father's assassination in 2001, it is argued that the fuel for the continued warfare is over the control of the DRC's natural resources of gold, diamonds, timber, and coltan. Moreover, a UN Security Council has placed blame on "eighty-five multinational corporations...in the illegal exploitation of natural resources from the DRC" (Goodwin, 2004:3). As new rebel forces occupy an area, they gain total, unfettered power plunder and pillage the entirety of the area's resources: women, children, arms, and resource profit.

The Lives of Women

The UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women has emphasized the need to amend the varied cultural and conventional customs that prove destructive to women by focusing on the country's work and family systems. Indeed, the obvious division of labor has been recorded throughout the DRC's history. Men, responsible for clearing the forest, produce crops for oil, wine, fruit, and bark cloth. They often leave home base for hunting and long-distance trading, but also venture in building houses. Women, on the other hand, have performed their duties by working the land in sowing and harvesting, cooking meals, and tending the children.

Laws in the DRC give women the right to vote and allow them to maintain full rights of inheritance; however, research indicates that this is far from reality (Puechguirbal, 2003). Family law decrees that women must obey their husbands, who act as head of household. In addition, the wife needs her husband's permission to participate in many activities, such as obtaining a passport, and usually, the in-laws take control over the family inheritance upon the husband's death. Women, although major participants in market trade, are not able to contribute to market committees, nor are they included in village meetings or councils regarding local policy. In addition, women are far less likely to receive a formal education in comparison to males, as well as decent healthcare and a reduced workload.

The differences between women are vast, involving social status, ethnic group, education, and origin, yet there is a consistent demand for them to conform to societal norms of marriage rules and family law. It is in this thrust of convention that we can clearly observe the hardships endured throughout the times of war in the DRC. Suffering massive shortages of food, water, and health care, women are exposed to significant dangers in their search for supplies and survival (Puechguirbal, 2003; Goodwin, 2004).

Rape has become a widespread, vicious method of weaponry throughout the eastern DRC with striking consequences on the lives of women. At least 40,000 females between the ages of six and 70 have been raped in the six years of war, though the numbers could be far more widespread (BBC, 2004; Amnesty, 2004). Increasingly, mutilation and torture are combined with the act of rape to ensure fear, rejection, and confusion. The Human Rights Watch estimates that nearly 30 percent of victims involved in rape have been sexually disfigured with a large variety of tools such as machetes, sticks, wood, nails, knives or gun barrels (often fired), resulting in massive infection or a painful death (Goodwin, 2004; Amnesty, 2004; BBC, 2004). "...I was stunned when a 30-year-old woman in North Kuvu had her lips and eyes gouged out after she was raped, so she couldn't identify her attackers..." (Goodwin, 2004:1). The medical consequences extend beyond the outside physical scars to include astronomically high risks of HIV/AIDS. Precise statistics of the prevalence of HIV/AIDS is significantly limited, but various figures estimate that nearly 30 percent of patients are HIV Positive, an estimate that will endanger half the population of the DRC within ten years (BBC, 2004). Access to clinics and antiretroviral drugs, which are practically 80 percent effective in preventing infection, is nearly impossible for these women, resulting in a guaranteed death sentence (BBC, 2004; Goodwin, 2004).

"One week ago I was working in the fields with my husband and two other women. Suddenly we saw a group of armed men approaching us. My husband managed to flee but two men caught me. They raped me and at the same time they hit me on the back" (Clarkson, 2004:17).

Rape leads to dramatic penalties in the social sphere of the home, as well. Often, women are rejected and abandoned by their husbands. Regardless of the circumstances, having sexual intercourse outside the marital relationship deems the husband "ridiculous" in the eyes of society and forces the wife out of the home (Clarkson, 2004; Goodwin, 2004). The wife endures social and familial scorn by being condemned as the wife of the rapist(s). The ability to go out in the fields for food and work is greatly hindered, as well. "I would rather never go there again, because I felt to close to death..." (Clarkson, 2004:17). However, these women, responsible for the welfare of their children, must return as their sources of income and provisions are inadequate. Even young girls, unmarried, face the same social reaction from the community, "I'm afraid because people call me names and I can no longer go out, even for a walk. People say I went to the fields to sleep with a soldier" (Amnesty, 2004). Women and girls are forced out of their jobs, abandoned by their husbands and families, and forced to rely on humanitarian aid to care for their children.

In addition to the risk of disease, infection, familial rejection, and social scorn, women and girls are frequently forced to accompany the combatants as sexual slaves and held captive for days or months (Amnesty, 2004). Those not fortunate enough to escape or be released are forced into army enlistment as either child soldiers or "wives" of soldiers (Goodwin, 2004; Amnesty, 2004).

Where is the Outrage?

Rape, as defined in the Geneva Convention, is identified as a war crime, thus there is an obligation to stop rape and hold offenders responsible. Efforts made to minimize the occurrence of rape are small in comparison to the overall picture. UN troops number less than 6,000 and MONUC patrols allegedly disregard rape victims, refusing to transport them to medical facilities when "...afraid they would be outnumbered by nearby rebels" (Goodwin, 2004:2). Indeed, Anastasie Moleko Moliwa, Social Affairs and Family Minister of the DRC, states "...women continue to suffer from aggressors who continually rape and massacre women and children with no condemnation from the United Nations" (WIN, 2000:68). Even encampments, set up to protect internally displaced people, are deemed insecure as they are frequently assaulted by rebel militia at night (Goodwin, 2004).

The methodical rape of nearly 20,000 women in Bosnia by the Serbs made headlines across the globe for several years, yet it was not until 1997, at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in The Hague, that rape was declared and indicted as a "crime against humanity." Rape was even considered a form of genocide at the Rwanda hearings. Yet, the media remains oddly silent about the DRC. The reasons are multifaceted, but mostly revolved around the idea that Africa is not "public interest" enough and the access of media is hampered by racial, geopolitical, and geographical positions (Goodwin, 2004). Sadly, few people know of the country that has lost over 4 million people to civil war in six years, a consequence of the media misunderstanding the conflict. Too often, the lines are considered blurred by ethnic or tribal causes, yet it is an "...international war, involving a number of different countries" (Goodwin, 2004:3).

Consider, also, the economic interest in the DRC by major corporations, including some of the largest US companies. The trade of the DRC's natural resources has focused on acquiring "blood minerals," such as coltan, diamonds, gold, and uranium. The atrocious acts of the rebel fighters have been used to gain right of entry into the mining sites, as well as attaining forced labor.

The Fight for Change

There is hope for Congolese women, as they shove past the notion of mere victim and strive to restore community networks and adopt leadership stations. In Kinshasa, women established over 150 organizations to fight sexual violence and encourage female participation in the peace process (Puechguirbal, 2003). One such organization, the Women's Network for the Defense of Rights and Peace, sent representatives to the Inter-Congolese Dialogue (talks in 2002 involving the DRC and Rwandan President regarding peace agreements) under sizeable threat. The rebel RCD ransacked their office, interrupted demonstrations, and charged them with "destabilizing the town" (Puechguirbal, 2003: 1275). Peace and Solidarity of African Women, another group, sought to endorse the contribution of Congolese women in the peace process. Women from the DRC, over forty members, drafted the Nairobi Declaration, which appealed for immediate action to include women's affairs, interests, and concerns into the peace talks. They demanded that the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) be included in the preamble of the country's new constitution.

The struggle for women's rights continues, though, as they meet various obstacles. The MONUC directive addresses women as victims of the conflict and does not recognize them as contributors to change. Women's organizations are often undermined, however involuntary, by giving more aid to political and civil society associations composed of men. The hope continues to grow as more women are being included in senior positions in MONUC and the UN, voicing their fears and histories, and organizing groups that fight the violence against them.

Conclusion

The psychological and pathological trauma contaminates the lives of women in the DRC. Dealing with constant fear, anxiety, and memories of the rape influences their ability to care for family, interact with the community, and operate with self-confidence. Policy makers in Kinshasa speak of peace and prosperity, yet the majority of the country remains trapped in their voiceless fields of torture and death. The rapes and mutilations carry on. More girls become infected with HIV/AIDS. They continue to suffer internal damage to the worst degree.

Yet, hope remains while the efforts are true. Congolese women are united together to raise awareness and increase the chances of peace for all. The question now is who in the international community will give voice to these women?

References

Amnesty International. 2004. "Democratic Republic of Congo: Mass Rape - Time for

Remedies." Retrieved 26 October 2004. www.amnestryusa.org.

BBC News. 2004. "Rape Victims 'Dying' in DR Congo." Retrieved 26 October 2004.

http://news.bbc.co.uk.go/pr/fr/-/1/hi/world/africa/3953747.stm.

Clarkson, Helen. 2004. "War Crimes: Medic Helen Clarkson Reports From Baraka by

Lake Tanganyika Where Sexual Violence Is a Weapon of War." New

Internationalist. 367 (1).

Goodwin, Jan. 2004. "Silence = Rape: While the World Looks the Others Way, Sexual

Violence Spreads in the Congo." The Nation. 278 (9):1-4.

Puechguirbal, Nadine. 2003. "Women and War in the Democratic Republic of the

Congo." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. 28 (4): 1271 - 1283.