Michael B. Katz's The Price of Citizenship and the State of American Welfare

Michael B. Katz's The Price of Citizenship analyzes the collective developments of the American welfare state for citizens living in disadvantaged and impoverished circumstances. Through a multitude of historical events during and following World War I, Katz explains that the American welfare state has dramatically transformed from its beginnings with the colonial relief programs to the recent Republican plan for compassionate conservatism.

Due to this change in the United States' economic and social structure, he conveys an opposing view to the current social welfare policy because it does not provide all individuals with the social rights and equal opportunities to maintain a financially stable and secure life.

However, while Katz's appeal for social justice is reasonable, this passive solution does not compel individuals to climb the ladder of success and achieve the infamous "American Dream." Katz subtly incorporates his central message of social justice and equality with a plethora of factual information in his opening discussion of the invention and history of welfare.

During its beginnings of the 1920s, the United States' welfare program signified an anticipation to reach economic stability and protection from ominous, unpredictable risks.

Katz simply states that the basic definition of the American welfare state is a "collection of programs designed to assure economic security to all citizens by guaranteeing the fundamental necessities of life: food, shelter, medical care, protection in childhood, and support in old age" (9).

Thus, in these early years, the welfare state granted economic security and dependence for American citizens.

However, the welfare state rapidly changed during Truman's presidency and the 1950s, strictly focusing its services on single mothers or African-American and Hispanic women unable to support their children. As this split between public assistance and social insurance unfolded, welfare had become strictly for the "undeserving poor" while social insurance, such as Social Security, represented those of the "deserving poor."

By the 1960s, welfare continued to serve the unemployed, unmarried mothers and minorities while social insurance had become linked to employment benefits.

Nevertheless, the 1996 welfare reform bill ultimately transformed the social and economic structure of today's society. Welfare no longer would ensure the protection and security that public assistance supplied so many impoverished Americans.

From these ongoing legislations, Katz argues that the recent welfare reform presents social injustice between the underprivileged and the high-standing, upper-class citizens.

Welfare is no longer a right that each citizen obtains, but rather has become a benefit and a privilege: "By tightening the links between benefits and employment, the late-twentieth-century welfare state has stratified Americans into first- and second-class citizens and undermined the effective practice of democracy. Everywhere market price has superseded social justice" (2).

Katz further explains that all American citizens deserve the right for social welfare because they do not have control over certain factors: disability, inheritance, prejudice, and talent.

These factors hinder those from obtaining occupations, creating a need for social justice: "For many people, especially in inner cities, jobs are likely to remain selectively hard to find, not because of a weak economy but because of location, transportation, skill requirements, and racial preferences in hiring" (349).

According to Katz, an individual's lack of discipline and diligence do not lead to poverty, but the economical structure has caused this disparity between rich and poor.

Although Katz's argument establishes equal opportunity for all American citizens to receive financial protection through social welfare benefits, his policy rewards indolence and dependence. If underprivileged citizens do not have to work to receive funds, then they will strictly depend on the monthly welfare payments.

For example, my uncle currently receives an unemployment check after his job dismissal six months ago. Those lacking the self-motivation to find work will continue to be satisfied receiving these complimentary government contributions.

In addition, by offering social welfare to each citizen, middle-class citizens must pay higher taxes to support lower-class citizens and would not receive benefits in return.

Essentially, a cycle of poverty fluctuates between middle and lower class citizens. By creating time limits on benefits and reducing eligibility for social welfare, this recent welfare reform can dramatically reduce unemployment and oblige impoverished citizens to become independent, diligent workers.

In order to facilitate this process, the government should offer free education and medical care to the poor and disabled as well as set up an agency to provide jobs and training for certain technical and craftsman skills.

After evaluating my disagreement with Katz's statement for social justice, Katz would question my argument. Katz would ask whether an increase in lower-class employment would actually help those striving to achieve upper-class status due to the recent increase in employment.

Furthermore, he would say that many lower-class citizens would still be poor because of the lack of available middle-wage jobs: "One result of these recent job trends is the spread of low-wage work and the decline in the share of employment and opportunities in the middle of the job ladder [...] But recent job trends make it reasonable to expect that the future of work will leave millions of Americans vulnerable: they will be underemployed or subject to displacement. As the share of middle-income jobs continues to shrink, they will work in jobs that lack benefits and do not pay wages adequate to support a family. From time to time they will need support from a welfare state" (352-353).

Many of these low-skilled jobs can not fully support impoverished citizens. Thus, Katz believes that offering social welfare to all citizens can help boost their income and possibly close the enormous gap between the rich and poor.

Bibliography

Katz, Michael. The Price of Citizenship. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2001.