Nationalism in the Middle East

Following centuries of a Middle East in which people's only identities stemmed from the empires they inhabited, the new sense of "nationalism" prevalent at the end of the 19th century can be attributed to three factors. For the first time, unique cultural attributes, such as religion and language became a catalyst for differentiation amongst peoples throughout the empires. Paired with the strong feelings of disempowerment resulting from foreign influence on native politics and society, these groups of people created a central identity, and planted the first roots of nationalism. Aided by technological progress in the fields of communication and transportation, as well as reforms in the educational systems, these feelings of identity swelled quickly throughout the Middle East. It was this combination of self-awareness, repression and technological progress that would sweep the Middle East and promote countless movements towards the formation of the nations.

It is of little surprise that one of the earliest and most influential identities founded in the Middle East during the 19th century would center around Islam, the religion that the Ottoman Empire and all empires before it (since the 7th century) had been built upon. On a similar scale of importance, yet not as universally applicable across the empire, were identities based upon ethnicities; Arab and Turkish nationalism would find vocal supporters. Finally, identities based on territorial restrictions, witnessed in Egypt and the Sudan, among others, would promote the more recent conception of "nations". While different in their goals, these three identities were founded upon similar principles, and were for the first time allowed to flourish among intellectuals for the reasons mentioned above; self-awareness, repression and technological/educational progress had made the awakening and infiltration of these feelings essentially inevitable.

Towards the end of the 19th century, the Middle East found itself in a compromising position; once a world super-power, built on the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad, now appeared enslaved by the politics, doctrines, economy and literal force of Western civilization. Essentially all territory that was encompassed under the influence of Islam was subject to direct or indirect rule by Europe. For a culture who's central ideals stemmed from the belief that accordance with the Quran and the Prophet's teachings would bring superiority and supreme power, it's quite understandable that the presence of oppressive "unbelievers" in their homeland would bring feelings of outrage to Muslim intellectuals.

When Abdul Hamid II mounted the throne in 1876 and became the last Ottoman ruler to exert absolute authority over the empire, it is quite clear that he was not only aware of these sentiments towards the European super-powers, but was a radical proponent of disassociation from the western world. Reversing the secularization that had occurred during the Tanzimat Period of the Ottoman Empire before him, Hamid stressed the importance of returning to the foundations of Islam through his ideas of Pan-Islam and his support for the establishment of secondary schools for the spread of Islamic morality.

Pan-Islam, the unity of all peoples based on their faith in Allah regardless of their ethnicity, race or sex, was an ideal that was certainly not created by Hamid, but of which his ardent support would influence future generations of thinkers and re-spark the sentiment for unity throughout Islam. Historically, Islam, which calls for the equality of all Muslims, has not always been so accepting; Arabs tended to claim superiority in the religion for their help in its foundation, namely the Prophet's ethnicity. But in the 19th century, when oppression from foreign nations made the Middle East's future seem less than appealing, Pan-Islam, and the unity of all Muslims seemed like the proper tool in regaining power. While it is unclear what Hamid's intentions were in urging for Pan-Islamic unity, he was certainly aware that his power as sultan would be magnified, both over his subjects and in dealing with the West.

Along with his support for the unity of all Muslims, Hamid's redirection of the educational institutions under his control further ignited an Islamic sense of identity that had lost force in prior centuries. During his reign as sultan, Hamid used this powerful institution to deviate from western influences and focus on the subjects of Islamic morality, and the teachings of the Quran. Along with educational shifts, the late 19th century saw an important growth of the transportation and communication systems; the railways and telegraph networks that would connect the Middle East to the rest of the world were the last fundamental step in creating an Islamic identity. With popular dissatisfaction for foreign oppression in the Middle East, a regained sense of unity through the reconnection to Islam, and the means of communication to project their ideas, Islamic Modernists found the necessary support they needed to create their new identity.

Among the Islamic Modernists, who felt that only a return to the original principles of the faith, as given by the Prophet, would properly restore the triumph of the Middle East, Jamal al-Din al-Afgani and his student Muhammad Abduh were the most vocal and influential in their criticisms of modern Islamic culture. Using the written word as his weapon of choice, al-Afgani, who was born and exiled from Iran in the last quarter of the 19th century, targeted corrupt political leaders with his Arabic newspaper "al-Urwah al Wuthga" (The Indissoluble Bond). For al-Afgani and his followers, it was the deviation from the Prophet's teachings, and the incorporation of both western ideologies and western supremacy in the Middle East that would continue the region's steady decline. A harsh critic of political leaders who allowed foreign troops to occupy their land, al-Afgani amounted a wide array of support, and was re-admitted to Iran as the Shah's advisor. For al-Afgani, the success of the West was due in large part to a sense of decadence that had slowly taken over Islam. He preached that only unity and action would reassert the success of Islam, and was an adamant supporter of the unity associated with Hamid's Pan-Islam. Action, the vital part of al-Afgani's ideology, reasserted that a return to high Islam, and the subsequent success, would only occur through strong effort. After being exiled from Iran for protesting the "Tobacco Concession of 1890", al-Afgani spent the last five years of his life in Sultan Hamid's court.

Whereas al-Afgani promoted political agitation as a proper form of "action", his pupil Muhammad Abduh was more reserved and perhaps more impressive in finding a stronger mechanism for returning to Islam. Like al-Afgani, Abduh called for a return to the Islamic identity of the past, but created a more reasonable approach; introspection, through the use of itjihad, "the application of informed human reason to new situations" (Cleveland, 127), allowed Muslims to regain a sense of identity on their own. In his book entitled "Risalah al-Tawhid" (A Treatise on the Oneness of God), Abduh claimed that Islam was compatible with modernity; he saw local superstitions had been accepted as part of Islamic law, and while he considered these dangerous to the faith, he suggested that an educated man could be modern and still be within the limits of Islam. Through the use of itjihad, the Quran and the teachings of the Prophet could be interpreted to figure out what was acceptable for the times. Just because the Quran was written for a culture that existed twelve hundred years prior, didn't mean that Islam had to stay stuck in the past.

The Islamic Modernists of the 19th century gained a vast following and created a newfound identity that could unify and progress the Muslims of the Middle East. United by their common religion, the Modernist's action against the oppression of the European powers brought hope to Muslims everywhere. But Islamic Modernists weren't the only ones feeling oppressed by foreigners; even within the framework of the Ottoman Empire there was a strong resentment of an even longer oppression. Subsequently this oppression, paired with a sense of cultural unity and improvements in the educational system, would birth a different identity, of ethnic origin.

Abd al-Rahman al Kawakibi was famous for his assertion that the corruption of Islam was a direct result of Ottoman Rule. Claiming that the Turks were a detriment to the faith, he commanded the restoration of power to the Arabs. Kawakibi saw Western superiority in the Middle East as a downfall of the Ottomans, and painted a glorified picture of Arab ruled Islam in his books "Taba'i al-Istibdad" (The Nature of Despotism) and "Umm al-Qura" (The Mother of All Cities: Mecca). His theory for the decadence found in modern Islam was that the Ottomans and other non-Arabs had incorporated their own practices into the faith. For Kawakibi, the most fundamental parts of Middle Eastern culture derived from Arab achievements; the language, the moral order, and especially the Prophet's ethnicity.

Around the same time that Kawakabi was protesting Ottoman rule in favor of an Arab caliph in the city of Mecca, Christians from all over the world were invading Syria in the hopes of gaining conversions to their faith. While they were successful in their conversions of numerous Arabs, their true accomplishment came in the number of educational institutions they founded. "Throughout Lebanon and parts of Syria, this extensive educational effort, conducted largely in the Arabic language, contributed to an Arabic cultural renaissance". (Cleveland, 130) Among the many Arabic scholars who came out of this cultural renaissance, Butrus al-Bustani (a Christian convert) is praised for his accomplishments for Arab culture; compiling an Arabic dictionary and eleven volume Arabic encyclopedia were just two of his achievements.

Kawakibi's sense of pride for his Arab roots and Bustani's achievements for his culture created a new sense of identity in the Middle East. For the first time, people of two different religions could find a common bond, the unifying glue between them, through common ancestry. Through the oppression of the Turks, and the educational resources being promoted in the Middle East, Arabs could identify with each other based on their ethnic background. Similarly to the birth of Islamic Modernist identity, these three factors were the chief influences in creating an Arab ethnic identity.

In addition to religious and ethnic identities being forged by the factors of the late 19th century, identities relative to physical boundaries were also being birthed. All over the Middle East people were looking towards their common environment as a unifying attribute. But just as it was with the Islamic Modernists and the Arab Nationalists, the oppression from their foreign influences would be the needed spark to ignite their national identities. In the Sudan, Muhammad Ahmad gathered fellow Sudanese to revolt against the Egyptian and British offenders. Similarly in Egypt, natives protested the occupation of British troops and called for their liberation. In Iran, merchants, radical reformers and ulama alike would band together in order to create a constitution and rebuild their country.

It is clear that while these unifying characteristics - religion, ethnicity, location - were around since the beginning of Middle Eastern history, it took certain key factors to reunite its people in their new identities, or at least awaken them to the possibility. It would take many more years before any of these became clear-cut, but the question is how did this transformation occur: from a time where they were merely individuals to the initial notions of self-awareness in a larger group of people. The answer lies with the influences of foreigners, their oppression essentially forcing the Middle Eastern people to band together and find their commonalities, as well as the steady educational and technological achievements that were making it possible to widely promote their new ideas.