Status and Role Change Among Japanese Women

Like many cultures around the world, Japan has been entrenched in a patriarchal framework for many centuries; however, this was not always the case. From prehistoric to contemporary times, women's status in Japan has been a seesawing variable. Japanese mythology and other historical documents lend a light to the Matriarchal society of Japan's far past. A prominent figure in the Shinto religion was the sun goddess, Amaterasu. It is believed that the first recorded emperor, and subsequently the entire Japanese Imperial Family, descended from Amaterasu (Bingham & Gross, 1987). Furthermore, it has also been acknowledged that between the years "...572 and 770 half the rulers of Japan were women," (Giele & Smock, 1977, as cited in Reischer & Fairbank, 1958, p.484). As the 6^th century CE rolled around, China had become the most advanced nation in the area. Naturally, the Japanese were eager to adopt its practices, and consequently, China's highly developed patriarchal culture spilled over into Japan (Giele & Smock, 1977). Despite women's historically high status, patriarchy eventually came to rule Japanese society for over 1000 years.

With the turn of the 20^th century, women's status began to rise. Today, women make up the majority of Japan's population, and therefore have a significant impact on the country's dynamics. The following is a discussion on how urban women's roles have changed throughout the latter part of the 20th century; traditional roles, post-war changes, and current directions of change will be described with the majority of focus on post-war transformations. Since Japanese ideology is essentially different from that of a Western upbringing, I will begin by providing a basic understanding of Japanese views towards change and equality.

The vast cultural differences of Japan make it easy for a Westerner to misunderstand the culture and how it is changing. For this reason it is important to gain insight into how the post-war generation sees their situation. Firstly, instead of comparing women and men's roles side by side to find equality like many North Americans do, the Japanese prefer to view equality as a "...balance of advantage, opportunity, and responsibility achieved over time," (Iwao, 1993, p.3).

Many working women and housewives view their household status as equal to their professionally employed husbands for a few main reasons: husbands have openly voiced their dependence on their wives (due to their care of the home and children), women are often in control of the household income, and managing the household is a valued role in Japanese society (Iwao, 1993). However, this is not to say women's lives cannot or haven't been improved. Change for women in Japan has also looked different than the Western women's movement because they use a practical non-confrontational approach focused on the long-term. The patient non-confrontational methods of this "quiet revolution," allow change to be sustained in a culture based on harmonious interpersonal relationships; being openly confrontational is viewed as self-defeating (Iwao, 1993, p.2). It will now be easier to understand the subsequent description of changing women's roles within Japan's cultural context. First, let us briefly look at women's roles before the war period.

After the fall of feudalism in the 1860's an age of modernization began. Although new educational opportunities and jobs became available for women, the new female-based curriculums were focused on homemaking and outside jobs were often filled with discrimination, exploitation and oppression (Giele & Smock 1977). Even so, this was an improvement to the static role of a housewife. New brides had the lowest status of all family members. They moved into the husband's extended household and had to serve their mother-in-law and husband unquestioningly. This devotion entailed the wife to be first up in the morning and last to bed while at night, dedicating herself to serve the family in every way (Giel & Smock, 1977). The traditional role as a professional housewife varied in severity between classes but was common until the post-war generation of major reform.

As expected, the end of WWII triggered global changes in social, political, and economic spheres. Such changes within Japan were initiated by the United States' occupation under General MacArthur. One of the most significant legacies of the United States' occupation in Japan was the 1947 Constitution, which gave women the right to vote, to run for parliament, to be educated, and, once again, own property rights. It also stated that men and women were equal beings and marriage must be by mutual consent (Morley, 1999). These laws did not have immediate effects and took years to solidify, but they served as a starting point for the future development of women's lives. Not only have women been given legal backing, but advances in modern medicine and household technologies have encouraged change throughout the baby boomer generation. Women now live longer than ever before, have fewer children due to birth control, and spend less time doing housework.

As the world around women shifted, they began to experience further education and new job opportunities that transformed their lives. The newly established educational opportunities and coeducational institutions fostered a fresh mindset for the upcoming generation. In Sumiko Iwao's book, The Japanese Women, she tells the story of Akiko, a woman representative of the post-war generation, born in 1948. The amount of women that proceeded into either college or university in 1955 was 2.6 percent, and 2.4 percent respectively. Although Akiko's farther did not want her to go on to University, her mother openly encouraged her to do so (Iwao, 1993). This illustrates a man's expectations of a traditional woman's role, and a mother who supports her daughter in a new world of opportunity. As Akiko began university, in 1965, female registration had risen to 22.4 in colleges and 11.3 in universities. The trend was for girls to study humanities and very few studied the sciences or social sciences (Iwao, 1993). There is no doubt women were eager for an education and enrollment continued to increase. In 2005, post-secondary enrollment for both male and female graduates of secondary school stood at approximately 50 percent (men's enrollment being slightly higher than the women's), ("Statistical," 2006). Now that women had an education, many of them sought out employment.

With rapid post-war economic growth, largely attributable to low-paid female workers, the freshly educated generation of women flooded the workforce. Between 1970 and 1985 the amount of employed women increased 50 percent. Most of the women of this time were involved in clerical duties, craft and production processes (Iwao, 1993). Although these figures are positive, the reform was not without its problems.

Oppression and discrimination were rampant; many four-year university graduates were not prized by prospective employers, they preferred the moldable woman willing to be obedient for little pay. Women's perseverance has served as the agent of change while the law has slowly caught up. The Equal Opportunity Law, effective in 1986, stated that women are equal to men and should not be treated any differently in recruitment, positions, promotion, or any other aspect of their employment. Unfortunately, there were no punishments for violation of this law and it only served as a stepping-stone to aid women in the workplace. The struggle for improved treatment continued, as did the labour force participation rate. In 1990, Women between twenty and twenty-four had a labour force participation rate of 75 percent (Morley, 1999), and they were holding job positions much longer than before with 26 percent being continually employed for over 10 years (Iwao, 1993). So how did this increase in education and employment affect women's lives? It generated economic independence, opportunity, freedom, and conflict.

To create a concrete idea of life during the 1970's and an average day for a woman, let's take another look at Akiko. She found employment as an editor of a textile magazine and married a man she had met in university at the age of 25. A rare occurrence, and one met with mixed feelings by her colleagues, was her continued work after marriage. The norm was to quit and have children; however, her husband understood that an educated woman like herself needed a life outside the home. During the week Akiko would work a standard length day and finish by 5:00. She would arrive home by 6:00 and prepare dinner, which she ate alone (her husband spent long hours at the office and usually wasn't home until after midnight). Akiko was left to do all the housework and used weekends to prepare meals for the upcoming week while her husband caught up on sleep. She spent her free time developing friendships with other women and quite enjoyed herself (Iwao, 1993).

The household was run on her husband's income and her earnings were put into savings. Since it was common practice for a household to be run on solely the husband's income, Japanese women of this time enjoyed a significant amount of economic freedom. Her job soon came to an end, as she had two children and had to quit to become a full-time mother. Due to a distant relationship, Akiko eventually divorced her husband and found another magazine job while her children attended school. She worked part-time and found a healthy balance between work, family, and community activities. Akiko had to endure many struggles during this time of change for women. One example was her in-laws utter disapproval of her work during marriage (Iwao, 1993). This clash of values between the "old" and "new" generations produced much confusion and conflict within women.

The process of moving from traditional roles to an ever-expanding modern lifestyle has had a profound impact on the post-war generation. Nancy Rosenberg articulates the conflict between "old" and "new" values very well with her expression "gambling with virtue," (Rosenberger, 2001). The contradiction between the new dynamic roles of women and the ideal of the traditional housewife has caused significant problems for women, husbands and their families. The rising suicide rates between 1965 and 1985 provide insight into the Japanese' inner struggles; female suicide rate peaked in 1975 at 14.6 percent ("Suicide," 2004). The divorce rate has also been rising since the 1960's, peaking in 2002 ("Statistical, 2006)". Women's increased autonomy, and spousal communication problems definitely play a major role. Both men and women often spend a lot of time away from the home because of work, and there is little time for partners to talk. Furthermore, the old-fashioned ideal of marriage can no longer make or break a women's status, and women now have the option to become financially independent.

The changes set in motion by the 1947 constitution continue to evolve. Thus far, women's lives have radically improved in comparison to the workingman's; however, men are now becoming more aware of changing women's lives and gender roles are becoming increasingly intertwined. Because gender stereotypes have weakened over the last decade, both sexes have started to cross over 'the great divide' that has separated gender roles for centuries (Morley, 1999). Women's high level of freedom and leisure time relative to men a few decades ago is now becoming balanced between the sexes. Presently, it is common for women to provide a major chunk of the household income, which allows their hard working husbands to relax more. As a result, men can now take on larger role in the household by sharing chores and enjoying family life. In addition, women no longer have to quit work when they have children. Increases in social services such as daycare and elderly care have allowed women this freedom. Nowadays women are exploring professions previously dominated by men; for instance: medicine, law, engineering, marketing, merchandising, sports, journalism, business consulting and politics (Iwao, 1993). Overall, the struggle toward equality has and continues to be successful and both genders have reaped the benefits.

In conclusion, I do not claim to have fully illustrated or investigated the complexities of Japanese society and its affects on the women's equality movement; however, by learning about the traditional roles of women, how law and willpower have guided post-war change, and newly developing trends a basic understanding of changing women's roles has been provided. Post-war laws have backed the fight toward equal opportunities for women but it is individual agency that continues to win new ground. The generation after World War II fueled change with great perseverance in a time of turmoil and inner conflict between "old" and "new" values. In turn, their efforts have led to a time of increased awareness and fewer gender barriers. The sun is now rising for the women of Japan.

References

Bingham, M. J., & S. H. Gross (1987). Women in japan: From ancient times to the present. St. Louis, MN: Glenhurst Publications Inc.

Giele, J. Z., & A. C. Smock (1977). Women: Roles and status in eight countries. New York, NY: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Iwao, S. (1993). The japanese women: Traditional image and changing reality. New York, NY: The Free Press.

Morley, P. (1999). The mountain is moving: Japanese women's lives. Vancouver, BC: UBC Press.

Rosenberger, N. (2001). Gambling with virtue. Honolulu, Hawai'i: U of Hawai'i Press.

(2006). Statistical handbook of Japan: Chapter 2 population. Retrieved March 19, 2007, from Statistics Bureau Web site: http://www.stat.go.jp/english/data/handbook/c02cont.htm#cha2_4

(2004). Suicide rates by gender, Japan. Retrieved March 28, 2007, from World Health Organization Web site: http://www.who.int/mental_health/media/en/327.pdf