The Clash Between "Modernism" and Islam

The fact is that modern Islamic society is seen by most Westerners as a continuation of medieval fanaticism, with conservative views of women and diet, prayer and social obligations that are, at best, "odd". Other than oil, and middle eastern antagonism and anti-Western hatred by some Islamic groups, modern Islam is not well understood by the average citizen. Yet, it is obvious that religion and nationalism do mix, to some degree. As Max Weber pointed out in his introduction to Sociology of World Religions(1920) "No economic ethic has ever been determined solely by religion...The religious determination of life-conduct, however, is also one...only one, of the determinants of the economic ethic." (Weber 1 1958)

What needs to be addressed, as well as sociological and economic commentary is the question: "In a world of rapidly developing technology and radically changing social and political institutions, is religion in peril?" (Firth 1996 1) And, if it is, should we be concerned? Is religion still an important part of the world's civilizations? Islam, it seems, may be the strongest in terms of holding reins on its Muslim followers.

Actually, "The meaning of 'Islam' even when used to denote the religion of Islam is too general and imprecise to be useful in an analytical argument." (Shalguni 2001 2) In other words, we must differentiate between religion and nationalism, and between nationalism and the economy of Islamic nations.

"Today in most Islamic countries that have deeply absorbed the 'blows of the West' cultural schizophrenia has become a paralyzing social phenomenon." (Shalguni 2001 7) In other words, Islamic countries are torn between their cultural and religious traditions and somehow joining the West in its march toward greater industrialization. What will technology do to these Islamic countries? One sad potential outcome is that technology and industry are in the hands of a very few, including, of course, government officials which means greater polarization between the Haves and the Have-Nots, which could easily develop into serious rebellion in the near future. Westerners interested in defining modern Islam, and using ancient history to do so, are not perceptive and accurate in their definitions of Islam's role in modern society. What works for the West, does not necessarily translate into an understanding of Islamic societies. While the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians gets today's headlines, Iran and Saudi Arabia are really the keys in discussing modernism and Islam.

While a moderate newspaper editor was sentenced, this year, as proof that the mullahs still have control in Iran, they are not able to deter the efforts of President Mohammad Khatami to restore Iran to a semblance of a modern non-Islamic republic. It begins, of course, with domestic policies which are changing slowly to restore Iran, in some degree, to a more acceptable nation in the eyes of the rest of the world. Women, which in most Islamic theocracies, are relegated to second-class status, have begun to emerge socially, economically, and politically in modern Iran. Proof of that is that in local elections held last March, "women were reported to be the front-runners in at least 20 cities, and nearly all of the successful female candidates were supporters of Khatami, who has encouraged women to play a bigger role in political life." (IranGohar, 2000 p. 1)

If these moderate trends continue, then there will be positive proof that the majority of Iranians want "change rather than clerical conservatism. In elections for city and village councils, the majority of successful candidates are moderates." (Joffe, 1999 11) Of course, this does not mean that suddenly Iran will change all its policies and turn to the West in the manner it was under the late and disliked Shah Reza Pahlavi.

The seeming moderation of Islamic fundamentalism in Iran makes one suspect that the motives were not merely social or even politically motivated, but propelled by Iran's aim at seeming more acceptable in Eurasia. The economic battle lines are unfortunately mixed with Islamic faith and fundamentalism, something not unusual in the Near and Middle East these days. Politics and religion make uncomfortable allies

"When viewed through Western eyes, Saudi Arabia presents many anomalies. It is a barren land endowed with huge oil wealth; its affluent society places more importance on lineage and blood ties than on personal wealth; and its government is devoted both to rapid modernization and the preservation of an Islamic way of life that is 1,400 years old." (Long 1997 xi) While the world knows a few things about this nation, getting a feel for Saudi Arabia is "perhaps the most elusive task for foreign resident and reader alike." (Long 1997. xi)

Saudi Arabia is involved internationally for only one reason- Oil. "Oil was the basic reason for Saudi Arabia's unprecedented international involvement. Sitting on top of the largest proven reserves of petroleum in the world, and capable of producing oil at very little cost, Saudi Arabia earned $225 billion from oil during the 1970s- over $60,000 per capita. In 1980 alone, oil income amounted to another $95 billion." (Quandt 1981 vii) "...the Middle East has been an object of rivalry among the great powers. The discovery by the British of oil in Persia in 1908 added even more to the area's strategic importance as the gateway between Europe and the Far East." (Shlaim 1994 1)

However, as Islamic fundamentalism has spread throughout the Middle East, and into Asia (Indonesia and Pakistan, for example) "politics and religion have often become intertwined" (Simons p 13). And it must be restated, as political experts have written, that "it is not only Saudi Arabia and the other Muslim states are trapped within the imaginative confines of a single text and the framework of law that flows from it..." (Simons 1998 13)

CITATIONS:

Firth, Raymond: Religion: A Humanist Interpretation (1996) London UK: Routledge

Joffe, George: "At The Turning Point" The World Today, April 1999

Long, David E. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (1997) Gainesville FL: The Press of the University of Florida

Quandt, William B.: Saudi Arabia in the 1980s (1981) Washington D.C. The Brookings Institution

Shalguni, Mohammad Reza: "Islam and Modernism: Ernest Gellner: A Case of thinly veiled historic idealism"

www.iranbulletin.org/islammodernismvii.htm

Shlaim, Avi: War and Peace in the Middle East (1994) New York: Whittle Books

Simons, Geoff: Saudi Arabia: The Shape of a Client Feudalism (1998) New York: St. Martin's Press

Weber, Max: The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1958) Upper Saddle River NJ: Prentice-Hall Publishers

No author listed: "IranGohar" www.iranonline.html