The Great Depression, Working-Class Strife, and the CPUSA: Understanding Propaganda in John Steinbeck's in Dubious Battle

As one reads John Steinbeck's In Dubious Battle (1936), one can't help but notice that the novel is part storytelling and part propagandizing. As a consequence, one finds it hard to view it as a literary work, but one can easily view it as a piece of propaganda. However, although the novel is rooted in topical issues such as the Great Depression, working-class struggle, and the CPUSA (Communist Party of United States of America), the novel can not be dismissed as pure propaganda. In essence, all propaganda presents a call to action (the purpose of the work being to make the reader initiate certain acts: social, religious, or political). This "call to action" is central in much of working-class literature (literature written by working-class people about their class experience). In fact, one can argue that the weakness of propaganda fiction is that it becomes obsolete once the injustices it exposes have been addressed. However, In Dubious Battle not only brings attention to topical working-class issues: it also grapples with the universal, endless, and abstract topic of human nature.

It is easy to understand why many readers would dismiss In Dubious Battle as mere socialist propaganda. The setting, characters, and plot of the novel revolve around topical socialist issues of the age. The novel takes place during the Great Depression (a period that spurred many socialist forms in the United States). The main characters are members of the Party (Reds/Communists). And the plot revolves around a working-class strike. In order to understand the significance of propaganda in the novel, one must first take into account the historical and theoretical atmosphere relevant to the discourse found in In Dubious Battle.

The roots of modern socialism can be traced to the Industrial Revolution; during this period, a wealth of literature emerged that set about to reveal injustices and inequalities that many believed could be linked to the capitalist mode of production and free-market system ("Socialism"). These thinkers envisioned a future in which the working or proletarian class would rise up and take control of production; thus, usurping capitalists governments ("Socialism"). In The Communist Manifesto ommunism").(1848), Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels redefined the goal of socialism; for them and their followers, communism was the socialist ideal, defining it as a stage in socialism where the distribution of goods would be based on need; thus, it would result in an end to class struggle ("C

Marx distinguished his socialist doctrine from is predecessors, calling it scientific socialism ("Socialism"). According to Marx, his doctrine was the result of careful scientific examination of social history; and it presented a scientific hypothesis for societal evolution ("Socialism"). Marx's socialist philosophy rested in his belief that class conflict is at the center of historical development ("Socialism"). In his examination of social history, Marx explained that when a division of labor emerges, opposing classes form and become key players in historical conflict ("Socialism"). According to Marx, a class can be defined as a group of men who share a similar place in a society's production, and who are linked together through shared interests ("Socialism"). Marx explained that the struggle of contemporary proletarians against their capitalist employers would result in a socialist society ("Socialism"). Ideally, this new society would be one in which producers would shape society cooperatively to the benefit of society as a whole; thus, it would result in the end of class struggle ("Socialism"). During the 1930s, the Great Depression, working-class strife, and the CPUSA increased the prominence and influence of these socialists' philosophies.

During the Great Depression, dust storms and bank foreclosures resulted in a mass relocation of hundreds of thousands from the American southwest to California (Windschutt). As a result of alluring and often misleading advertising, destitute farming families gathered their possessions and headed to California (Windschutt). The devastating effects (wide-spread unemployment, starvation, malnutrition, and homelessness) of the Great Depression wore heavily on these migrant workers (Gupta & Lee). They dreamed of a better life in California, believing that there they would find sufficient wages and opportunities (Windschutt). However, upon reaching California, these migrant workers discovered that the large corporations that controlled Californian agriculture had misled them, providing wages far below what the workers had expected (Windschutt). Additionally, workers endangered themselves if they complained or resisted the owner's actions; law enforcement and anti-communist vigilantes retaliated against those who attempted to bring to light these injustices, arresting them as suspected "reds" or Communist activists (Windschutt). Thus, these migrant workers, who came to California with hope and the promise of a better life, ended up homeless, hungry, and destitute. Steinbeck tackles these topical working-class concerns through the setting, characters, and plot of In Dubious Battle.

The main characters, Jim and Mac are sent from the City as agents of the Party (Reds/Communists) to the migrant workers of the fictional Torgas Valley. The apple orchard owners pull a dirty trick on the migrant workers (a quite common practice in early twentieth century America): once the migrant workers arrive, the owners announce a large pay cut. The workers are stuck. They have spent all the money they had to get there, and if they want to eat, they have to accept the owner's terms. Jim and Mac help to fuel the strike between the orchard owners and the migrant workers by encouraging the workers to organize and work together; thus, Steinbeck brings to light the influence of socialist thought and the CPUSA in the unionization and organization of working-class people in the 1930s.

The drastic disproportion of wealth illustrated in the capitalist structure of American society during the Great Depression caused many working-class people to respond to socialist thought and propaganda. The discussions about food in the novel reveal the contrast between working-class characters and non-working class finances. When talking about Dick, Mac tells Jim:

See how beautiful he is? We call him the Decoy. He tells ladies about the working classes, and we get cakes with pink frosting, huh, Dick?" (18)

This passage is significant to working-class strife because it brings to light the contrast between non-working class and working-class diets. In fact, although food is an essential element in the novel, this passage is the only time in the novel that a dessert is mentioned. Throughout the novel, the working-class characters are concerned with attaining food. Often, they don't know where their next meal is coming from. When they do eat, they eat economical foods such as stews, mashed potatoes, and beans. Spices and condiments are not present most of the time; for example, they drink their coffee black. The contrast reveals the drastic economic inequality that existed during the 1920s and 30s between social classes; and it reveals the wide-spread hunger that was a topical issue during the Great Depression.

The CPUSA (Communist Party of the United States) was founded in 1919; and the majority of its original members came from the left wing of the Socialist Party (CPUSA Internet Department). These members of the political left wished to change the social and political system or power structure of society. Since its foundation, the CPUSA has been involved in working-class organization and unionization (CPUSA). In The Historiography of American Communism: An Unsettled Field, John Haynes and Harvey Klehr tell about CPUSA influence in Great Depression era:

During the 1930s, the CPUSA played a significant role in a number of organizations, crusades and campaigns which helped to shape American life. These included the creation of industrial unions, the resistance to fascism and the struggle over the proper scope of governmental activism in social and political life which gave rise to the dominant New Deal coalition of President Franklin Roosevelt. Communists led or were part of the leadership of unions which enrolled a quarter to a third of the membership of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO).

Historically, the importance of the CPUSA in early twentieth century workers' strikes can not be overlooked. The CPUSA worked to organize the unemployed and employed working-class to fight for working-class relief projects and programs (CPUSA). For example, the Communist Party worked to organize the Cannery and Agricultural Workers' Industrial Union (Benson & Loftis). The Party supplied experienced leaders whenever a strike took place; furthermore, the Party operated in a more elusive, way once it had learned how to anticipate strike conditions (Benson & Loftis).

Steinbeck addresses Party tactics through discourse between Jim and Mac. When Jim asks Mac if they are going to try to get the apple orchard workers to strike, Mac explains: "Sure. Maybe it's all ready to bust and we just give it a little tiny push. We organize the men, and then we picket the orchards" (32). Thus, Steinbeck addresses the true power of the organization during the 1930s; namely, he illustrates that the strength of the Party resided in its ability to organize and mobilize workers. In 1936, in "Cherries are Red in San Joaquin," Louis Adamic addressed the prevalence of communist influences in working-class organization explaining that "Most of the recent strikes have been inspired or openly called by the Communists rather than by the A. F. of L. unions, while the few automobile strikes that have taken place have been more or less spontaneous." Regardless, the CPUSA involvement in working-class unionization and organization was and remains highly controversial.

In a capitalist society, there is little doubt that these socialist ideals would come under fire. In a society where the rich get richer and the poor get poorer, any philosophy that advocates just distribution of funds is going to be controversial. Mac explains the controversial nature of socialist theory and the CPUSA when he tells London:

If you was to own thirty thousand acres of land and a million dollars, they'd be a bunch of sons-of-bitches. But if you're just London, a workin' stiff, why they're a bunch of guys that want to help you live like a man, and not like a pig, see? 'Course you get your news from the papers, an' the papers is owned by the guys with land and money, so we're sons-of-bitches, see? Then you come across us, an' we ain't. You got to make up your own mind which it is" (283).

Essentially, Mac explains to London that the Communist Party is a group tied to the working-class. Those who have more than their just fair of profits will not benefit from Party goals; since, the Party is concerned with ending working-class struggle and encouraging even distribution of profits. Subsequently, the repression of communist and socialist ideals is at the best interest of owners and those receiving unfair shares of production profits.

Communist influences in workers' strikes in San Francisco, California fueled anti-red hysteria in the 1930s. In "The Terror in San Jose," an article published in The Nation in August of 1934, John Terry revealed the prominence of anti-red sentiments:

Meanwhile the wave of anti-red hysteria, engendered in large degree by San Francisco newspaper stories dealing with the general strike, has swept the length of Santa Clara County, including the town of Palo Alto, seat of Stanford University and home of Herbert Hoover. Ill-defined "security leagues" in Palo Alto and Los Gatos and a "Committee of Safety" in San Jose and the county in general are enrolling several thousand citizens and creating new deputy sheriffs wholesale for such varied purposes as "combating communism and fascism," conducting "educational campaigns," supplying the sheriff with an immediately available army in case of labor trouble in the orchards, and furnishing civil authorities with a body of citizens "ready to act in cases of emergency".

The above passage illustrates the abundant opposition to socialist ideals by authorities during the 1930s. In "The Right to Strike," Mauritz Hallgren discussed the rising disquiet among working-class people:

NEARLY a million American workers have gone out on strike since the New Deal began. Probably as many as l00,000 men are out today, the total rising or falling as old disputes are adjusted and new strikes begin. The number of disputes brought to the attention of the Bureau of Labor Statistics has increased fourfold in the last six months and more than 500 per cent as compared with the average for 1932. While not all these controversies result in strikes or lockouts, a large majority of them do. Even those that are settled peaceably reflect the unrest which is spreading among American workers.

Although these many of these strikes has little to do with the CPUSA, the increase in working-class uprisings fueled anti-red apprehensions. Often, authorities used this to their benefit by diverting attention from working-class oppression through the stimulation of anti-red sentiments and fears.

This is the case in In Dubious Battle. Although the strike is the owner's inadequate treatment of the workers, the law enforcement, newspaper, and local government officials denounce the strike as a communist uprising. Not only do the owners reduce wages, but they also take advantage of their workers destitution. Jim tells Dan: "Women work all day, men work all day; and the owner charges three cents extra for a can of beans because the men are too damn tired to go into town for groceries" (71). The owners exploit the workers; they know that the workers are too tired to go to town, and they take advantage of them by overcharging them. Additionally, the owners take advantage of them through the provision of store credit. Considering the fact most of the workers arrive with little or no money, they have little choice but to use the store credit provided to them. And as a result of the overcharging, they become indebted to the store, resulting in an endless cycle of exploitation. Mac brings this to light when he tells Jim:

Most of 'em aren't going to have any pay when they settle up with the store. One man tonight in the store got two big jars of mincemeat. Probably eat both jars tonight and be sick tomorrow. They get awful hungry for something nice (75).

In the above passage, Mac addresses the problem of credit. By offering credit and overcharging for products, the owners exploit workers; they take advantage of the workers' hunger. The presentation of the owners in In Dubious Battle reveals the inequality and exploitation that mark the working-class experience in the early twentieth century.

Taking into account the topical issues that dominate the novel, it is easy to understand why many readers would view In Dubious Battle solely in a Marxist framework. In many ways, the novel does seem like a work of propaganda. The setting, characters, and plot of the novel revolve around topical historical and socialist influences on the working-class uprising of the 1930s. However, although addressing topical issues, providing discourse on socialism and CPUSA influences, and advocating worker relief, Steinbeck does not provide a clear course of action nor advocate a particular social theory. Rather, he grapples with man's desire to understand his place in the world in a time when socialist thoughts greatly influenced working-class consciousness.

In the novel, both the actions of the owners and CPUSA members raise crucial questions about man's place in society. Should humanity concern itself with the individual or community? The socialist perspective, of course, advocates that the needs of the community should outweigh the needs of the individual. Jim illustrates the importance of community over the individual when he tells, "My old man always used to fight alone. He got licked every time. I remember how lonely it was. But I'm not lonely anymore, and I can't be licked, because I'm more than myself" (254). After joining the Party, Jim begins to feel better about himself and his life because he is a part of something bigger than himself; he is part of the struggling working-class. As a part of this bigger unit, Jim no longer feels alone and weak; he feels strong and capable. This value of unity is at the center of socialist intellectual influences on the working-class movement; in order to survive and change social awareness about injustices, the working-class must raise their voices in united rebellion. The Doctor discusses the essence of this working-class and socialist mentality when he explains:

Group-men are always getting some kind of infection. This seems to be a bad one. I want to see, Mac. I want to watch these group-men, for they seem to me to be a new individual, not at all like single men. A man in a group isn't himself at all; he's a cell in an organism that isn't like him any more than the cells in your body are like you. (144)

Essentially, the doctor is explaining the noticeable changes happening among those in the working-class. He has perceived their coming together as a unified source, and he draws comparison between the individual (cell) and the working-class (organism). If one thinks of the great struggle and deaths common among migrant workers at the time this seems a very fitting parallel. A cell dies. A new cell is born. It is not the individual that matters; it is the whole organism.

Unity is connected to survival, and thus, it is one of the most important values of socialist ideals to influence working-class culture. Toward the end of the novel, the migrant workers fight together and figuratively they become one beginning: the narrator tells, "No lone cries came from lone men. They moved together, looked alike. The roar was one voice, coming from many throats" (315). In coming together as a unified source and overcoming the barricade, they illustrate the working-class conviction that the power of the many outweighs the power of one. However, Steinbeck creates doubt about the outcome of this socialist outlook. In the end, Jim is killed and Mac uses his death to fuel working-class anger. As a result, one is left wondering about the negative consequences of communist thought. For, Mac's final action is heartless and calculated; and he is able to perform the act because the socialist theory he subscribes to places the community above the individual. Thus, In Dubious Battle is much more than a piece of period propaganda; it is a novel that presents a picture of its time while creating an abstract presentation of man's eternal struggle to understand his place in the world. Works Cited

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Windschutt, Keith. "Steinbeck's Myth of the Okies." The New Criterion Vol. 20, No. 10, June 2002. 5 Dec. 2006 http://www.newcriterion.com/archive/20/jun02/steinbeck.htm>.