One major factor that constrained President Nixon from deciding whether to bomb Cambodia was the fear of a potential protest from Prince Norodom Sihanouk. For twenty-nine years, Prince Sihanouk brought independence to his country through a complicated balancing act. This decree permitted the North Vietnamese Army (NVA) and the Vietcong (VC) to station sanctuaries along Cambodia's border while the country remained neutral amidst constant fighting in Laos and Vietnam. In return, Hanoi promised not to support Cambodia's group of Communists known as the Khmer Rouge. With this neutrality and peace in Cambodia, Prince Sihanouk could only advocate the bombing of such sanctuaries if kept in secrecy. If the bombings became a public matter however, he would be forced to protest against the United States (Baird and Kuzma 2001, 5). Although Prince Sihanouk wanted the Communists to evacuate his country, he knew that bombing them would not be a successful method for removal. Knowing this, Nixon was restricted from taking action on Cambodia in fear of jeopardizing the balancing act as well as his relationship with Sihanouk.
The possibility of retaliation from North Vietnam was another concern that restricted President Nixon in forming his policy. Uncovering Nixon's "Madman Theory," the North Vietnamese were unwilling to negotiate with the United States. While Nixon and his administration looked to strike Cambodia, Hanoi knew that "'it was only a matter of time before the U.S. would have to pull out, no matter what'" (Baird and Kuzma 2001, 9). With this in mind, North Vietnam continued to escalate the situation with multiple air strikes on Saigon. These attacks left President Nixon caught in between protecting the South Vietnamese and preserving his public image for the American people. Moreover, the possibility of retaliation from the North Vietnamese would perpetuate the war, leaving the United States further away from a peaceful resolution. For example, the U.S. Green Berets had been operating secret commissions of two-man teams often traveling with ten local mercenaries. After the initial bombings on Cambodia, these men were ordered to move into Cambodia in hope of finding any Communist survivors. However, these men were immediately attacked and lost after reaching their given target area (Baird and Kuzma 2001, 14). Thus, the North Vietnamese were not afraid of the United States bombing Cambodia-the Vietnamese Army and the Vietcong were ready to retaliate back against the United States if necessary.
Disrupting foreign diplomacy for the United States was a critical issue that President Nixon had to consider before finalizing his decision to bomb Cambodia. By sending air attacks to the border of Cambodia, Nixon feared that a strong Soviet or Chinese reaction would disrupt the chances of maintaining diplomatic relations with either country. Consequently, these relations could later have bearing on whether the United States would be able to end the war peacefully with North Vietnam (Baird and Kuzma 2001, 9). In late February of 1969, President Nixon traveled to Europe in an effort to show the world that he was not obsessed with the war in Vietnam. However, North Vietnam's "mini-Tet" offensive left the President in a difficult situation as he began his European tour. Humiliated and infuriated, Nixon immediately wished to retaliate violently against Hanoi (Baird and Kuzma 2001, 7). At the same time however, Nixon was afraid that by retaliating in Cambodia, France would ultimately be convinced that he was obsessed with the war. With an American retaliation possibly spurring riots in Europe, President Nixon understood that it was important to set a good example on his first trip abroad. As peace talks in Paris continued to decline, the possibility of completely losing diplomatic negotiations quickly became a reality for Nixon. Thus, maintaining strong relationships around the rest of the world became an important factor for Nixon in considering the impending effects of bombing Cambodia.
While Cambodian protests, retaliations from foreign powers, and the loss of foreign diplomacy were all constraints for Nixon's decision to bomb Cambodia, public opinion in America became his largest risk. Many Americans had turned against the war, refusing to fight or support it. Many others believed that the war was slowly coming to an end. Therefore, Nixon knew that renewed bombing of the North would only cause a return of massive antiwar protests. Similarly, Nixon had always despised the press in the United States, believing that "the media was out go get him" (Baird and Kuzma 2001, 11). With his administration under heavy scrutiny, Nixon knew that the any leak of information could quickly destroy his reputation as President and ruin his chances for reelection. Under these terms, he worked to keep the bombings in Cambodia under tight secrecy. However, when the New York Times released a story revealing the strikes overseas, Nixon and his administration became furious, knowing that the American public would erupt in anger and rage as they had with previous President Lyndon B. Johnson. Before these events, Nixon had been enjoying his "honeymoon period" with the American public and did not wish to spark additional antiwar protests and riots throughout the country (Baird and Kuzma 2001, 11). Nixon explains in his memoirs that "'my administration was only two months old, and I wanted to provoke as little public outcry as possible at the outset'" (Baird and Kuzma 2001, 11). This negative sentiment from the American public forced President Nixon to hold the bombings in Cambodia under complete secrecy.
International and domestic actors can often transform the decisions and behaviors of central figures during political uprising and warfare. For President Nixon and his administration, instituting reasonable policies and tactics became a difficult endeavor in their attempt to quell the Vietnam War. The threat of Cambodian protests, North Vietnamese retaliations, unstable foreign diplomatic relations, and antiwar protests in America created tension for Nixon in his decision to secretly bomb Communist sanctuaries at the Cambodian border. While each of these constraints left President Nixon and his administration under extreme pressure, none of these risks transpired as relations between the United States and Cambodia continued to improve several years after the war (Baird and Kuzma 2001, 17).
Bibliography
Baird, Tara and Lynn M. Kuzma. "A Madman's Appetite-Operation Menu: The Nixon Administration and the Secret Bombing in Cambodia." ISBN: 1-56927-242-5. Published: 2001. 1-24.
Published by Josh Herwitt
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2 Comments
Post a CommentThe author is repeating the lying ravings of past democrats-
1. The bombing of Cambodia was NOT secret. The bombing of Cambodia was reported on ABC and NBC and CBS and some local television stations that I personally know of.
2. The bombing of Cambodia was done at the requests of 1. the government of Cambodia and the most powerful military person in Cambodia- Pol Pot 2. the government of South Vietnam and the military leader of South Vietnam Thieu 3. the unofficial and only government of North Vietnam and its military leader Tho 4. the government of Laos 5. The government of Tailand.
Separately these requests were made to me and I relayed them to President Richard Nixon. Some requests were after inquiries by me as to what they thought should be done by the forces that had escaped from Vietnam,North and South- these forces being those that were in opposition to the unification of Vietnam as started by the joining of the official military forces led by Thieu of the South and Tho of the North. I interject here that President Johnson had started me on visiting many people in southeast Asia when I was stationed on the USS Paul Revere during the ship's duty off the coast of Vietnam in 1967. The official and unofficial governments plus the military leaders of Pol Pot and Thieu and Tho. President Nixon inherited the situation of those small military groups in Vietnam fleeing to Cambodia. I sought and received what each entity wanted, which was to destroy the military forces unwilling to go along with the mainstream efforts in the unification and peace of Vietnam. Camped in jungles, these forces were raiding into populated areas of Cambodia and Thailand and Laos and Vietnam. Their numbers were very overestimated but they meant no peace, only war because of the jungle hiding them.
It was in 1968 that teams of surveyors and cultural experts sent by Mao were mapping for official boundaries of Vietnam and Laos and Thailand and Cambodia and Burma- the cultural people to keep like peoples together in the future offical maps which were being prepared by the United States at the instruction of President Johnson. Except for those bombed in eastern Cambodia there were no disputes in actions leading to the official boundaries.
Finally, to make one thing clear- President Nixon did not do any of the Cambodia bombing of any people of the then and now government of Vietnam
This is a great article, very informative.